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‘I used to talk about politics on Facebook, but now it’s scary’

By Adam Bemma, Alijazeera 23 Aug 2018 Phnom Penh, Cambodia – Samoeurth Seavmeng sits at a conference table wearing black horn-rimmed glasses. Meng – as she’s known online and to friends – glances at her smartphone and begins to speak to 10 other young Cambodians gathered at Politikoffee, a weekly forum held in a leafy diplomatic enclave of the capital Phnom Penh. “It’s very hard to talk about social media. Sometimes people post fake news on Facebook and sometimes people post true news, so it has advantages and disadvantages,” the 22-year-old activist said. Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen often alleges “fake news” to discredit criticism of his ruling Cambodia People’s Party online. He has even threatened that authorities have the technology to track and arrest a Facebook user within six minutes of a post. This has sent a wave of fear and intimidation through Cambodia’s public sphere, where once critical voices have begun to self-censor. Politikoffee is an offline space where Cambodians feel free to debate and voice dissenting views without fear of arrest.  “Before, I used to share and talk a lot about political and social issues on Facebook, but now it’s a little bit scary to talk about these sensitive issues because I’m afraid I’m going to get in trouble,” Meng said. Internet censorship Cambodia’s government monitors social media. Last May, Cambodia’s Ministry of Posts and Telecommunications, Ministry of Interior and Ministry of Information, issued a regulation to monitor Facebook. The government stated that it wants to control information that is deemed to “threaten the defence and security of the nation, relations with other countries, the economy, public order, and discriminates against the country’s customs and traditions.” The Cambodia Center for Independent Media stated in its 2017 report that seven Facebook users were either arrested or sought by authorities for sharing information and opinions on the social media platform. In 2018, an election year, the number is unknown. “The directive was actually released after they were already identifying, monitoring, charging and imprisoning people,” said Naly Pilorge, director at LICADHO, a human rights monitoring group in Cambodia. During the election in July, 17 news websites – including RFA, VOA and Cambodia Daily (already closed down in 2017) – were ordered offline for 48 hours. Critics believe internet censorship is intended to stop outlawed Cambodia National Rescue Party supporters inside the country from sharing, liking or commenting on election boycott campaigns. “The directive came afterwards to legalise what they were doing in practice already. And it changed the habits of the average [social media] user,” Pilorge added. “The people online that we interact with, we see that there are differences. Definitely people are afraid, hesitant, paralysed. Ourselves included. We’re cautious.” In the lead-up to this year’s election, all independent media was shut down. The main opposition leader was jailed for alleged treason. Two former Radio Free Asia reporters and an Australian filmmaker were jailed for alleged espionage. Several human rights and political activists languish inside Cambodia’s prisons – guilty until proven innocent according to LICADHO. “What you’ve seen over the past year and a half is, for example, a minister or the prime minister decides a post is critical or is unacceptable and will immediately denounce a Facebook post,” Pilorge said. “Within 48 hours this individual is being arrested, charged, imprisoned in pre-trial detention and sometimes convicted.” Increasing regulation  Though the election is over, censorship online is prevalent. Prime Minister Hun Sen was re-elected last month in a vote criticised by the UN as fundamentally flawed. “If the situation for freedom of expression worsens, maybe we will have something that we can do together in order to inform [Cambodians] which tool or application they can use without getting into any trouble,” Meng said. Cambodian digital security trainer Moses Ngeth teaches journalists, activists and human rights campaigners how to secure accounts, and protect data online.  “I train them how to do very basic device security for smartphones, password protection. I tell them to be careful when posting something to social media and not to share any personal information,” he said.  Ngeth believes this new mandate will give the ruling CPP legitimacy to pass its much-anticipated draft cybercrime law. “People cannot talk on the radio, or on television. It leaves only Facebook. That’s why they increased regulation of social media,” Ngeth said. Cambodians can still be arrested, charged, jailed or fined for Facebook posts under criminal defamation, royal defamation laws, or incitement. “I think it’s natural to have fear, but when I see someone is arrested for saying something on social media I don’t feel comfortable. I think that people should feel free to express themselves,” said Kounila Keo, a Cambodian blogger and communications consultant. Prime Minister Hun Sen has amassed over 10 million followers on Facebook. Sam Rainsy, the exiled former CNRP leader who ran in the 2013 elections, claims that many are not even Cambodian and may be fake online profiles generated abroad – an accusation the prime minister refutes. “What [the prime minister] said … ‘When you post, I can know the location’ – it’s one of the funniest things I’ve heard from him,” Ngeth said. “Using Facebook to know the location, it’s not possible,” Ngeth said. Prime Minister Hun Sen and members of the CPP are using Facebook to bypass traditional news media such as newspapers, radio and television, viewed as hostile to the government, to reach Cambodians directly with their messages. “The prime minister and other public figures campaign on Facebook,” said Ngeth. We're not doing anything to harm society. We're doing it to make society a better place, especially for youth to be able to share ideas and contribute. SAMOEURTH SEAVMENG, KNOWN AS MENG, ACTIVIST Back at the Politikoffee debate, the upcoming cybercrime law is considered for discussion in a future forum. Meng wants members to be able to communicate online without being punished for spreading “fake news” for commenting on the draft law. “Now we’re thinking about [developing] a new tool, or a new kind of app, that we can be sure will be safe for us to talk about any issue because we mostly discuss politics,” Meng said. “We’re not doing anything to harm society. We’re doing it to make society a better place, especially [for] youth to be able to share ideas and contribute.” Original Link: https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2018/8/23/i-used-to-talk-about-politics-on-facebook-but-now-its-scary

ក្រុម​កាហ្វេ​នយោបាយ​បើក​គេហទំព័រ​ឲ្យ​យុវជន​សរសេរ​បញ្ចេញ​មតិ​ដោយ​សេរី

ដោយ៖ វណ្ណ សុគន្ធា www.politikoffee.com គឺជា​គេហទំព័រ​ថ្មី​មួយ​របស់​ក្រុម​កាហ្វេ​នយោបាយ​ ដែល​ទើប​ប្រកាស​ឲ្យ​ប្រើប្រាស់​ជា​ផ្លូវការ​នៅ​ព្រឹក​ថ្ងៃ​សៅរ​នេះ។ គេហទំព័រ​នេះ​ អនុញ្ញាត​ឲ្យ​យុវជន​ដែលមាន​អាយុ​ក្រោម៣០ឆ្នាំ ​អាច​សរសេរ​បញ្ចេញមតិ​ជា​ភាសា​ខ្មែរ​ក៏​បាន​ឫ ភាសា​អង់គ្លេស​ក៏​ពាក់ព័ន្ធ​នឹង​រឿង​នយោបាយ ឫ សង្គមផ្សេង។ ស្ថាបនិក​ក្រុម​កាហ្វេ​នយោបាយ​ លោក​អ៊ូ រិទ្ធី​ បាន​លើកឡើងថា​ ការ​បង្កើត​គេហទំព័រ​នេះ​ គឺ​ដើម្បី​ជួយ​ជំរុញ​ឲ្យ​ក្រុមយុវជន​ខ្មែរ​បង្កើត​ទម្លាប់​សរសេរ​ និង ចេះ​វិភាគ​ពី​រឿង​នយោបាយ​ និង​រឿង​សង្គម​ផ្សេងៗទៀត។ ​បើតាម​ស្ថាបនិក​រូបនេះ​ តាមរយៈ​ក្រុម​កាហ្វេ​នយោបាយ​ ក្រុម​យុវជន​​ធ្លាប់តែ​បាន​បញ្ចេញមតិ​ និង ពិភាក្សា​ជជែក​គ្នា​ដោយផ្ទាល់​មាត់ តែ​មិនបាន​បញ្ចេញ​មតិ​តាមរយៈ​ការសរសេរ​នោះទេ។ ដូច្នេះ​ហើយ​គេហទំព័រ​នេះ ​នឹង​បង្កើន​ចំណេះដឹង​ផ្នែក​សរសេរ​ និង វិភាគ​បន្ថែមទៀត​ដល់​ពួកគេ។ ថ្វីបើ​បើក​ឲ្យ​សរសេរ​ដោយ​សេរី​ក៏ពិតមែន ​ប៉ុន្តែ​គេហទំព័រ​នេះ​ក៏បាន​តម្រូវ​ឲ្យ​ធ្វើតាម​នីតិវិធី​ និង ទាមទារ​លក្ខខណ្ឌ​មួយចំនួន​ផងដែរ។ ​លោក​ឃុន សីហា​ អ្នកគ្រប់គ្រង​គេហទំព័រ​នេះ​ បាន​ពន្យល់ថា​ មុននឹង​បង្ហោះ​ចូលក្នុង​គេហទំព័រ​ ម្ចាស់​អត្ថបទ​ទាំងអស់​ត្រូវ​ផ្ញើមក​កាន់​អ្នក​គ្រប់គ្រង​ផ្នែក​នីមួយៗ ​ដូចជា ផ្នែក​នយោបាយ ​សង្គម​ សេដ្ឋកិច្ច​ និង​កិច្ចការ​បរទេស។ អ្នកគ្រប់គ្រង​ផ្នែក​ទាំងនោះ នឹងធ្វើ​ការ​ពិនិត្យ​អត្ថបទ​ មុន​នឹង​បញ្ចូល​ទៅ​ចូល​ក្នុង​គេហទំព័រ។ ជាមួយ​គ្នា​នេះ ​ក្រុម​កាហ្វេ​នយោបាយ​បាន​ទាមទារ​ឲ្យ​យុវជន​ទាំងអស់​ ត្រូវ​សរសេរ​ដោយ​មាន​អំណះអំណាង​ច្បាស់លាស់​ ហើយ​មិនត្រូវ​ប្រើប្រាស់​ពាក្យ​ជេរប្រមាថ​ និង មិន​វាយប្រហារ​ខ្លាំង​លើ​បុគ្គលិក​ ឫ​គណបក្សនយោបាយ​ណាមួយ​ឡើយ។ សូម​បញ្ជាក់​ថា​ ក្រុម​កាហ្វេ​នយោបាយ​ ឫ Politikoffee ​បាន​ចាប់​ផ្តើម​បង្កើត​ឡើង​កាល​ពី​ឆ្នាំ​២០១១​ ដោយ​យុវជន​ចំនួន​៤ រូប។ ​ក្រុម​នេះ​បង្កើត​ឡើង​ក្នុង​គោលបំណង​ដើម្បី​ពង្រីក និង ពង្រឹង​ចំណេះដឹង​ផ្នែក​នយោបាយ ​និង​សង្គម បង្កើត​វប្បធម៌​ពិភាក្សា ដេញដោល និង​តស៊ូ​មតិ និង​លើកកម្ពស់​សេរីភាព​ក្នុង​បញ្ចេញមតិ​របស់​ក្រុមយុវជន។ មកដល់ពេលនេះ ក្រុម​កាហ្វេ​នយោបាយ​មាន​សមាជិក​ប្រមាណ​៣០០នាក់​ក្នុង​នោះ ​៥០នាក់ ជា​សមាជិក​សកម្ម​ដែល​តែងតែ​ចូលរួម​កិច្ចពិភាក្សា​តុមូល​នៅ​រៀងរាល់​រសៀល​ថ្ងៃ​សៅរ៍​នៅ​ទីស្នាក់ការ​អង្គការ​ខុនរ៉ាដ​ ប្រចាំ​នៅ​កម្ពុជា៕ Original Link: https://www.rfi.fr/km/cambodia/politikoffee-ou-ritthy-24-01-2015

Cambodian leader's love-hate relationship with Facebook

By Kevin DoylePhnom Penh Published 7 January 2016 Prime Minister Hun Sen has ruled Cambodia with an iron fist for 30 years. Now, the self-styled strongman is focusing his formidable political and security apparatus on a new theatre of operation - Facebook. Last week, he warned social media users to cease insulting him online or face arrest. The seeming anonymity of the internet would offer no shield, he said. "If I want to take action against you, we will get [you] within seven hours at the most," Hun Sen said in speech, naming the Facebook user he was warning, local media reported. A few days later, Hun Sen issued another warning to "extremists" in the opposition party, accusing them of altering a photograph of his wife and posting it to Facebook. Those responsible will face the law, he said. Facebook has emerged as a serious political force in Cambodia since the country's 2013 national election, which Hun Sen almost lost. That year, young, social media-savvy voters rallied to the opposition party, using the site to share news and information, and coordinate their campaigns. After TV, the social network has become the second most important platform for Cambodians to access information. Hun Sen's near debacle in the election - his party lost 22 seats in parliament - forced a strategy rethink, which included learning from the opposition's use of social media. He has now launched a digital counter offensive. IMAGE COPYRIGHTFACEBOOK image captionIt took Hun Sen a while to reveal a Facebook page with his name was actually his official page In September, Hun Sen revealed that a Facebook page that had long borne his name - though he denied operating it - was, in fact, his official page. He admitted ownership only after the page garnered one million likes. The timing may have had something to do with Hun Sen's arch rival, opposition party leader Sam Rainsy, who has close to two million likes on his page. A latter-day social media zealot, Hun Sen now delivers live addresses on Facebook, posts selfies, and uploads all manner of documents and photos, from images of his grandchildren to a recent shot of an old comrade ill in bed. He has also launched a new personal website and his own Hun Sen app for Android phones - (iOS follows soon). And his Facebook page has 1.7 million likes and counting. Hun Sen has adopted social media, but he has not embraced the culture of free speech often associated with a digital landscape, said Ou Ritthy, a political blogger and commentator. "Hun Sen said very clearly he knows immediately, within seven hours, whoever criticizes him using bad words." Defining what constitutes an insult in Hun Sen's books is impossible to guess, he says, adding that the prime minister's warnings have caused many to think twice about what they post. On a more positive note, Hun Sen could have shut down all social media after it contributed to his party's near election loss in 2013, said Ou Ritthy. He chose not to do that. Instead, he is trying to control the digital debate. "On one hand, Hun Sen tries to engage [on social media]. But, on the other, he tries to dilute, he tries to weaken other users who seem to disagree with him." IMAGE COPYRIGHTAFP image captionA late convert to social media, Hun Sen has embraced it with enthusiasm And there are serious consequences for stepping over the prime minister's social media line. Last August, a 25-year-old political science student was jailed on charges of incitement after writing on his Facebook page that he wanted people to participate in a "colour revolution" to change society. The same month, Hun Sen ordered the arrest of an opposition party senator for posting a video clip on Facebook featuring a falsified government document. Arrest warrants have also been issued for Sam Rainsy, already in self-imposed exile, and two senior members of his social media team, who have already fled Cambodia, over the senator's Facebook post. Sok Eysan, spokesman for the ruling party, said Hun Sen's warnings were simply to "encourage" social media users to be constructive in their criticism and to prevent defamation, which is punishable as a crime. IMAGE COPYRIGHTEPA image captionSupporters of the prime minister say he just wants to encourage constructive debate With more than one million people liking her Facebook page, high school student Thy Sovantha became Cambodia's first social media star during the 2013 election. Posting plucky video reports to her Facebook page along with cutting commentary on the government, Sovantha became a symbol of youth support for political change after three decades of Hun Sen's rule. Sovantha said she does not intend to temper her commentary following Hun Sen's latest warnings, explaining that she only engages in "strong, constructive criticism", and does not use "rude words". "In 2013, Facebook changed society," she said. "More and more people use Facebook and they are more active." "Now it's not only young people, but also old people… I have looked at the comments on my page, the public are not scared." Additional reporting by Phorn Bopha Orignal Link: https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-35250161

As Demographics in Cambodia Shift, Youth Seek Political Change

By Julia Wallace, Feb. 17, 2016, The New York Time PHNOM PENH, Cambodia — Thy Sovantha, Cambodia’s youngest political star, is still seething. A charismatic student, she rocketed to fame during the 2013 elections when she backed the opposition’s effort to unseat Cambodia’s authoritarian ruler. Her Facebook page drew hundreds of thousands of followers, making her, at 18, perhaps the most powerful voice of her generation. The opposition nearly won the election, but protests over the vote led to a government crackdown. By November, the political battle had come down to a single standoff: The government threatened to arrest the opposition leader, Sam Rainsy, if he set foot in Cambodia again. Mr. Sam Rainsy, who was traveling abroad, vowed to return. Ms. Thy Sovantha put out a call on YouTube and rallied hundreds of her supporters to meet him at the airport. But at the last minute, he canceled his flight and fled to France. “I was very angry,” Ms. Thy Sovantha said. “The reason we supported him is that we want change. If he does not come back like this, we think, how can we change the leader? How can we win?” The question is a riddle in Cambodia, which has been stuck in roughly the same political cycle for decades. For 30 years, Prime Minister Hun Sen, a former Khmer Rouge fighter, has wielded power through a combination of threats, clever deal-making and sheer willpower. And for most of that time, Mr. Sam Rainsy, a French-educated former finance minister, has been his foil. Some commentators here compare the pair to Tom and Jerry. Mr. Hun Sen, who met with President Obama at a regional summit meeting in California this week, tolerates periods of relative freedom and political dissent to a point, but resorts to coups, crackdowns and court cases when serious challenges arise. Sam Rainsy, center, leader of the Cambodia National Rescue Party, being greeted by supporters and journalists at the airport in Phnom Penh, the capital, in August.Credit...Heng Sinith/Associated Press Mr. Sam Rainsy is now as well known for fleeing the country in the face of legal threats as he is for his reform-minded agenda. His retreat to France was his third in a decade. For many Cambodians, the 2013 election was the biggest opportunity yet to break out of that rut. Youth like Ms. Thy Sovantha were a central part of that hope, as a demographic shift gave them a larger say than ever before. Two-thirds of the population is under 30, making Cambodia one of the youngest nations in Asia, according to United Nations estimates. The first generation to grow up after the horrors of the Khmer Rouge regime faded and the economy began to grow at a rapid clip, they are better educated and more skeptical than previous generations. Increasingly, they get their news online rather than from traditional television and print news media, which are dominated by the governing party. Politically, they are restless, having outgrown the authoritarian style and patronage system of Mr. Hun Sen. But having come so close to ousting him and failed, many are disillusioned. And now some are starting to give up on Mr. Sam Rainsy as well. “I feel disappointed and hopeless,” said Ms. Thy Sovantha, now 20. His decision not to return to Cambodia, analysts say, was a lost opportunity, if not a surprise. “The biggest threat to Hun Sen’s grip on power would be Sam Rainsy in jail,” said Ou Virak, the founder of Future Forum, a research institute. “The international condemnations and the potential closing of the American market in the garment industry, that would be nerve-racking for businesspeople.” The ruling Cambodian People’s Party gloated at the retreat. “In simple terms, he’s a coward,” a party spokesman told The Cambodia Daily. Thy Sovantha, 20, in her new video recording studio in Phnom Penh, the capital of Cambodia.Credit...Luc Forsyth for The New York Times But even his supporters were disappointed. Ou Ritthy, 28, the founder of a youth political discussion group, said he and his peers were exasperated with the cat-and-mouse game of Cambodian politics. “Hun Sen, many things he has been doing are for power, for party interests, and Sam Rainsy also does the same,” he said. “It’s old-style politics in a new society.” Mr. Ou Ritthy credits the sharp rise in Internet penetration and smartphone use for changing the dynamic here. “Youth have two things,” he said. “Information — they got informed from social media — and smartphones. They are more independent in terms of information. They are not told what to do by their parents like in the past.” After two opposition lawmakers were dragged from their cars and severely beaten in October, Facebook sleuths managed to identify several attackers as members of government security forces. Both parties are keenly aware of the demographic shift and are trying to chase the changing electorate. In his absence, Mr. Sam Rainsy has led town halls via Skype and shared political commentary and vacation snapshots with his fans on his widely followed Facebook page. Shirtless photos of him piloting watercraft at a luxury resort in the Philippines inspired heated debates on his character. Mr. Hun Sen joined Facebook in September and has taken to it with a vengeance. He is particularly fond of posting candid snapshots of himself — sitting on the ground slurping up street noodles, swathed in a medical gown receiving a checkup, watering plants in a public garden and even taking selfies during a regional summit meeting. According to a study by the public relations firm Burson-Marsteller, he already ranks second among world leaders for engagement with Facebook followers. He is increasingly conducting government business on Facebook. He has made several policy changes based on complaints posted to his personal page, and last week, he announced the creation of dozens of “Facebook working groups” to gather information about citizens’ concerns. Sun Heng, a 22-year-old university student, said he and most of his friends followed both leaders on Facebook but were still skeptical about the sexagenarians’ embrace of social media. “For me, I find it very pretentious: Sometimes it is so obvious that they are acting,” he said. “But it can also be a good sign, showing that they care what people think now.” Mr. Sam Rainsy clearly believes he has demographics on his side because Cambodia’s young people want a change. He has vowed to return by the next election, in 2018. “This is for me the fourth time that I am forced into exile,” he said by Skype from his home in Paris. “But eventually, each time, the situation changes, and I always manage to be back in time.” The question for Cambodia is whether his followers will still be waiting. Ms. Thy Sovantha seems to have moved on. She has told her followers, who now number 1.2 million, of her disillusionment with Mr. Sam Rainsy. Her Facebook posts focus increasingly on education and environmental issues rather than party politics, and she is channeling her energy into starting a center for homeless youth. But she may not have entirely given up on the system. On her Facebook profile, she describes herself as “politician.” Correction: Feb. 18, 2016 An earlier version of a picture caption with this article referred incorrectly to the building shown in Phnom Penh. It is the Cambodian People’s Party headquarters, not the Senate. Orignal Link: https://www.nytimes.com/2016/02/18/world/asia/cambodia-hun-sen-sam-rainsy.html?_r=0

With connectivity boom, Cambodia's political battles shift online

SEBASTIAN STRANGIO, Contributing writer, December 25, 2015 - Nikkei Asia PHNOM PENH -- In September 2015, a Facebook page bearing the name of Prime Minister Hun Sen notched up its millionth "like." Until then, the long-serving Cambodian leader had denied ever using social media, making fun of political rivals, like opposition leader Sam Rainsy, who were active online. But with its following now in seven figures, Hun Sen finally not only admitted the page was his but began to promote it.      "We started it first as a test," Sok Eysan, a spokesman for the ruling Cambodian People's Party, told local media. "Then we saw that it has attracted popularity and is very popular among citizens, so we made it official to widen communication between top leaders and the people."      Since then Cambodia's prime minister has enthusiastically embraced Facebook. His page, which features everything from live-streamed speeches and ribbon-cuttings to photos from Hun Sen's 31 years in power, is now one of the fastest growing in Cambodia in popularity terms. In the past three months it has leapt to 1.55 million fans, making it the country's seventh most popular page, according to Socialbakers, a social media tracking site. Rainsy, the premier's long-time rival, sits in third place, with nearly 2 million followers, but at the current rate, Hun Sen should out-"like" him sometime in the next year.   Hun Sen's dive into the digital world reflects the ruling CPP's broader campaign to extend its presence online following a sharp fall in its popularity at the last national election in 2013. Confident of victory, the party saw its majority plunge from 90 seats in the 123-seat National Assembly to just 68. The main beneficiary was Rainsy's Cambodia National Rescue Party, which cleverly used social media platforms like Facebook and YouTube to circumvent the CPP's tight control of the press and disseminate information about problems like land-grabs, police violence, and corruption. Cambodian blogger Ou Ritthy at one of his "Politikoffee" meetings. "It was a blessing for the opposition to have Facebook at the time," said Ou Ritthy, a blogger who runs Politikoffee, a weekly political discussion group. "The opposition had no access to other media." Ritthy said that the CNRP's social media successes served to jolt Hun Sen and his government into the digital age. "They want to attract new voters," he said, "and a lot of young people have started to use Facebook." Internet boom The election took place in the midst of Cambodia's recent Internet boom. Since 2010 the number of Cambodians online has leapt from 320,000 to more than 5 million -- around a third of the population -- according to official government figures. As in neighboring countries like Myanmar, this has been fueled by strong economic growth and the increasing availability of cheap, web-enabled smartphones. A report issued in November by the Asia Foundation and the Phnom Penh-based Open Institute found that some 40% of Cambodians now own a smartphone, twice the number as in 2013. More than 98% of those accessing the Internet do so from mobile devices.  "There's a lot changing. Just the pace of the adoption of the smartphone is mind-boggling," said Silas Everett, the Asia Foundation's country representative for Cambodia. Strongman and Family Man: in a photo posted on his Facebook on November 29, Cambodia's Prime Minister Hun Sen poses with two granddaughters. The report also found that the Internet has become the country's second-most important source of information, after television. "People generally come online to socialize and meet friends and things like that, but as they start getting on Facebook, they want to get information about news and events. It's a dynamic process of engagement," Everett said.      With an estimated 3 million Cambodians now on Facebook, and many more expected to log on in coming years, social media looms as a crucial political arena ahead of local elections in 2017 and crunch national polls the following year. After its shock losses in 2013, the Cambodian government made a concerted push to counter the CNRP's strong online presence. Politicians, ministries, and other government bodies were instructed to open Facebook pages. (Even the CPP's Heng Samrin, the octogenarian president of the National Assembly, has a profile, boasting a more modest 13,436 "likes"). In June, according to a Reuters report, the government held mandatory classes for 400 heads of schools in Phnom Penh, in which they were shown how to open Facebook accounts and defend the government from negative messages online. In this Facebook posting from December 12, Hun Sen plays volleyball with political colleagues in 1991.      The CPP's cyber-strategy is best encapsulated by Hun Sen's Facebook page, which has been used both to promote government achievements and to craft a softer public image for the pugnacious leader. Between information about bridge-openings and public speeches, the page has featured old family photos of Hun Sen with his wife Bun Rany and their children; other posts have shown a youthful Hun Sen playing sports with fellow politicians during the 1980s. "He is trying to show the public that he's a good leader, a good father, a good husband," said Ou Ritthy. This image posted on Hun Sen's Facebook page on December 14 shows the Cambodian leader and his wife Bun Rany in traditional wedding regalia, c. 1988. Phay Siphan, a spokesman for the Council of Ministers, Cambodia's cabinet, said Facebook offered Hun Sen and other leaders the benefit of "two-way communication". "The prime minister learns from his own people what the people want and what the people don't like," he said. "It's not targeted to the election, it's targeted to better serve the people." New way to engage It is true that social media has given people a new way of putting pressure on public officials. In July, Sok Bun, a Phnom Penh property tycoon, was caught on a restaurant's CCTV camera savagely beating an entertainer and former TV presenter. The footage was leaked online and quickly went viral. In the face of rising public outrage, Hun Sen condemned the attack and the tycoon was arrested. Thy Sovantha, a prominent Facebook user who helped disseminate news of the beating, said that in years past, a man like Sok Bun would have escaped punishment. "Before, everyone was afraid of rich people, or oknha [tycoons], or the government," she said. At the age of 20, Sovantha is already the doyenne of Cambodia's social media scene. Her Facebook page, a stream of fashion selfies and commentary on issues such as anti-government protests, rural poverty, and border disputes with Vietnam, now counts just under a million fans -- more than most leading politicians. "Facebook is like a mirror": Thy Sovantha, 20, has amassed nearly a million Facebook followers by posting mix of fashion selfies and news about politics and social issues. This photo, posted on November 30, received more than 83,000 likes and 1,400 comments.      Many of Sovantha's fans signed up in the run-up to the 2013 election, when the high-school student started posting opposition news alongside glamorous selfies and photos. Unlike TV, which is tightly controlled by the government, Sovantha noted in an interview that the Internet has given Cambodians a way to make direct demands of their leaders. "Facebook is very important. It's like a mirror for our government and for our people," she said. Ritthy agrees that the Internet and digital media has great potential. So far, however, it has had limited effect on the quality of the country's political debate. He pointed out that Cambodian Internet users are much more likely to "like" individual politicians than their parties, reflecting the continuing precedence of personality over platform in Cambodian politics. Supporters of both parties, meanwhile, have used the Internet to spread old rumors, insults, prejudice, and misinformation. Old habits die hard To a large extent, Cambodia's old political battles have simply moved online. As the "culture of dialogue" established by Hun Sen and Rainsy collapsed earlier this year, the two men have used Facebook to continue their two-decade-long political jousting. In mid-November, after the government activated an old arrest warrant against Rainsy, effectively forcing him into self-exile, he made a Facebook post branding Hun Sen a "dictator" and comparing himself to Aung San Suu Kyi, whose opposition party had just won a landslide election victory in Myanmar. Hun Sen responded by live-streaming a speech on his Facebook page in which he called Rainsy "the son of a traitor to the nation," referring to his father's opposition to Prince Norodom Sihanouk. "They face off," Ou Ritthy said of the dueling Facebook pages. "They compete not just in terms of fans and followers -- their content is attacking each other." In other words: business as usual for Cambodian politics. Ritthy said that while the quality of online debate was slowly improving, Facebook and other digital platforms offered no short-cut to lasting political change -- something which would need to begin offline. "It's just a platform," he said, "but it needs content." Original Link: https://asia.nikkei.com/Politics-Economy/Policy-Politics/With-connectivity-boom-Cambodia-s-political-battles-shift-online

Political eyes on youth vote

Kevin Ponniah | Publication date 09 July 2013 | Phnom Penh Post IT WILL be the youngest Cambodian election in history. On July 28, more than 3.5 million people between 18 and 30 years of age will have the opportunity to dip their fingers in indelible ink, cast a ballot and vote. More than 1.5 million of them will do it for the first time, and with many of these new voters likely undecided, political parties are pulling out all the stops to capture the vital demographic. With far different needs than their parents, however, these voters are looking beyond charismatic speeches and promises of stability. But be they ruling party youth gyrating to blasting pop songs in central Phnom Penh or teenage garment workers eking out a living at a rural factory, “the youth” are by no means a cohesive unit. For youngsters like Ou Ritthy, a 26-year-old political science graduate who organises informal political discussions in the capital, the election should be less about party shenanigans and more about the issues. “Even though more youth are participating in politics these days . . . they are still blindly following [the parties],” he said. “I want everyone around me, youths especially, to know about politics. It’s very important because we are all in the same boat, and we need to know who the rudder is.” At Ritthy’s so-called “Politikoffee” meetings, announced via Facebook and Twitter, anywhere from a handful to several dozen young people gather at a café or public spot for lively, and often contentious, discussion. Recently, Kem Sokha’s alleged genocide denial comments – and who believes them – were up for analysis. “The people who live in the rural areas, for example, my father, he thinks [these claims] are true,” 27-year-old Ly Malin told the group before Ritthy interrupted and proclaimed that older Cambodians are close-minded.   Young CNRP supporters rally through the streets of Phnom Penh on Thursday. Hong Menea Malin however, quickly bit back. “My father is educated. It’s his personal opinion. People who are at the rural area, they think it’s true, and why [should they] not?” For this diverse group of youngsters – a teacher, entertainment reporter and even a Ministry of Interior employee were present when the Post attended – discussion is not about parties. “To us, we don’t discuss whether we support this party or that party, but I think people around us might think [we are opposition] because it’s quite abnormal to talk about politics in a public space,” 31-year-old teacher Chheng Channy said. Like many young voters, the group isn’t particularly inspired by either party and say they will likely vote for the “least bad” choice. “Older people usually have their own party . . . so it’s not easy to persuade them to change. Whereas youth voters are undecided, so they are able to make a decision [specifically] for this election,” Koul Panha, director at election monitoring organisation Comfrel, said. The partiesAccording to political analyst Kem Ley, the ruling Cambodian People’s Party has the edge in youth campaigning as they have access to “existing structures”, including universities, political institutions and huge youth associations ranging from scouts on up.   A CPP youth member attends a poltical rally in Phnom Penh last week. Hong Menea Thousands of young and highly educated students have joined Hun Sen’s land titling volunteer scheme during the past year, while tens of thousands have served as members of the boy and girl scouts, Red Cross youth, and similar organisations. While powerful, however, such institutions hardly guarantee party loyalty. Nak Piseth Pichey, a medical graduate and former Hun Sen volunteer who spent six months in the provinces measuring villagers’ land, freely admits that some volunteers used the opportunity to find a job. The program, he noted, inherently drummed up support for the ruling party, but volunteers were never asked to vote for the CPP. “It was out of my own heart and no one forced me to go, I wanted to help villagers . . . Yes, of course I supported this positive policy of the government…but if it did not benefit villagers, I would not volunteer.” But whether or not youth capitalise on the subtle opportunities available in such organisations, it is clear, said Ley, that “the opposition cannot use government structures to connect with youth at all.” Kem Monovithya, deputy director of Cambodia National Rescue Party public affairs, which runs the youth wing, said however, that her party is seeing unprecedented youth support thanks to policies on education and jobs. “They think that the CNRP has more substance than before, and the issues we talk about now actually target young people . . . It’s actually cool now to be a CNRP youth,” she said. Without access to youth through mainstream media or universities, Facebook and informal networks have been the biggest factor in drawing young voters to the party, she added. “I think it’s safe to say that the CNRP has completely taken over Facebook.” Echoing a sentiment ex-pressed by many observers, Monovithya added that youth join the CPP for “personal privilege”. Prime Minister Hun Sen’s son, Hun Many, who heads the Union of Youth Federations of Cambodia – the CPP’s largest youth group – declined to comment for this article. A number of calls and requests for comment from the UYFC were also declined. Chea Chheng, 23, an active CPP member who gained notoriety on social media after leading a protest against UN human rights envoy Surya Subedi at a public lecture in May, dismissed the idea that youth join the CPP for privileges. “As a youth supporting the CPP, I dare to say that everyone wants a bright future and wants society to progress. So if youths believe in the CPP…what the youth will get is a leader who develops the nation.” He adds that political stability, economic growth and the protection of the monarchy are the key reasons he supports the party, adding that youths joining the CPP campaign get no more than food and water in a “spirit of sharing” at party rallies. The provincesAlthough no party could be said to have “captured” the youth vote, the CNRP are likely to gain more votes from young people this election, Kem Ley said. “But in the rural areas, the remote areas . . . the poor people will probably still vote for the CPP.” The split between educated, Facebook-using, urban-dwelling youth and their rural counterparts is stark – at least on the surface. A 2011 UNDP study found that just 3.4 per cent of young people nationwide were political party members. In comparison, a 2012 National Youth Forum survey specifically targeting higher-educated youth found that 68 per cent of them were involved with political parties. But more young people like Kert Sany, 16, an ethnic Kreung minority from Ratanakkiri province who travelled to Phnom Penh for an NGO-run citizen journalism course, are getting involved because of local issues affecting their communities. Sany said she started to pay attention to politics when her community began having problems with economic land concessionaires, and now she brings news to older villagers who do not understand Khmer. “I do not support any party, but I love to listen to all parties’ policies. I will wait and see whether they keep their promises after the election, and then I can decide which party is good and which party is bad,” the future voter said. According to Chheang Sokha, president of the non-aligned Youth Resource Development Program, although youth interest in politics has surged for this election, many of whom have left their hometowns for work will be unable to return to vote. Comfrel statistics show that logistical and registration issues were the main reasons why only 65 per cent of youths turned out to vote in the 2012 commune elections. A political awakening?Whether the rise in political interest necessarily means an increase in youth civic engagement, however, is another matter. A 2010 United Nations Development Program survey commissioned by BBC Media Action found that although three-quarters of young people had heard of democracy, the same proportion of them could not say what it meant. Of those who could, neither elections nor voting were mentioned. An additional 60 per cent said they had never discussed political issues with anyone and 92 per cent had never voiced their opinion to a public official. The youth who took part in that survey are likely to be part of the huge numbers of newly eligible young people allowed to vote in this election, said Colin Spurway, project director at BBC Media Action. His organisation produced Loy 9 – a hugely popular television show aimed at 15- to 24-year-olds that pushes themes of democratic responsibility and civic engagement – directly in response to the 2010 UNDP survey. The show, recently renewed for a third series, uses a blend of entertainment and education to reach the nearly four million young Cambodians who aren’t part of the urban class. “We’re aiming at people who’ve spent all day since 5am in a paddy field . . . those people are not looking for a detailed representation of the constitutional council . . . they just need to know that a member of the National Assembly represents [them],” Spurway said. While Loy 9 focuses on the “basic facts and perceptions of civic engagement” and has never mentioned any political parties, Spurway said there’s little doubt politics is considered a “dangerous” thing to be involved with. “It is clear that the older generation generally regards it as a dangerous, dirty game and they discourage youth from getting involved.” Sokha agrees that compared to their parents, young Cambodians born after 1979 are more willing to speak out. “Young people are smarter in observing the policies of the political parties. They do not just listen to the way [politicians] speak . . . They don’t look at the past so much. They look at the future.” The level of political discussion amongst young Cambodians may remain fairly limited, said Ritthy, the political science graduate. But at least it’s a start. He cites the example of Chheng and other student protesters at Subedi’s lecture – a video of which went viral on Facebook and kicked off a storm of political discussion. “Because of [Subedi] and the protest, a lot of youth on Facebook were very curious . . . I have never seen many youths posting videos talking about politics . . . But this time youth labourers, farmers, students, they all put up videos because of the Subedi event,” Ritthy said. “[There is little] constructive criticism . . . but it is good that they come to this [first] stage . . . It’s much better than before.” But for many of Ritthy’s generation, the tired faces of decades-old political leaders are simply uninspiring. “This is the main thing. Cambodian youth lack political icons and political idols to follow . . . It’s different than Myanmar, where you have Aung San Suu Kyi to inspire. In Cambodia, we don’t have these kinds of people – they are not inspiring.” Additional reporting by Vong Sokkheng and May Tithara Original Link: https://www.phnompenhpost.com/national/political-eyes-youth-vote

I used to talk about politics on Facebook, but now it’s scary

By Adam Bemma, Aljazeera 23 Aug 2018   Phnom Penh, Cambodia – Samoeurth Seavmeng sits at a conference table wearing black horn-rimmed glasses. Meng – as she’s known online and to friends – glances at her smartphone and begins to speak to 10 other young Cambodians gathered at Politikoffee, a weekly forum held in a leafy diplomatic enclave of the capital Phnom Penh. “It’s very hard to talk about social media. Sometimes people post fake news on Facebook and sometimes people post true news, so it has advantages and disadvantages,” the 22-year-old activist said. Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen often alleges “fake news” to discredit criticism of his ruling Cambodia People’s Party online. He has even threatened that authorities have the technology to track and arrest a Facebook user within six minutes of a post. This has sent a wave of fear and intimidation through Cambodia’s public sphere, where once critical voices have begun to self-censor. Politikoffee is an offline space where Cambodians feel free to debate and voice dissenting views without fear of arrest.  “Before, I used to share and talk a lot about political and social issues on Facebook, but now it’s a little bit scary to talk about these sensitive issues because I’m afraid I’m going to get in trouble,” Meng said. Internet censorship Cambodia’s government monitors social media. Last May, Cambodia’s Ministry of Posts and Telecommunications, Ministry of Interior and Ministry of Information, issued a regulation to monitor Facebook. The government stated that it wants to control information that is deemed to “threaten the defence and security of the nation, relations with other countries, the economy, public order, and discriminates against the country’s customs and traditions.” The Cambodia Center for Independent Media stated in its 2017 report that seven Facebook users were either arrested or sought by authorities for sharing information and opinions on the social media platform. In 2018, an election year, the number is unknown. “The directive was actually released after they were already identifying, monitoring, charging and imprisoning people,” said Naly Pilorge, director at LICADHO, a human rights monitoring group in Cambodia. During the election in July, 17 news websites – including RFA, VOA and Cambodia Daily (already closed down in 2017) – were ordered offline for 48 hours. Critics believe internet censorship is intended to stop outlawed Cambodia National Rescue Party supporters inside the country from sharing, liking or commenting on election boycott campaigns. “The directive came afterwards to legalise what they were doing in practice already. And it changed the habits of the average [social media] user,” Pilorge added. “The people online that we interact with, we see that there are differences. Definitely people are afraid, hesitant, paralysed. Ourselves included. We’re cautious.” In the lead-up to this year’s election, all independent media was shut down. The main opposition leader was jailed for alleged treason. Two former Radio Free Asia reporters and an Australian filmmaker were jailed for alleged espionage. Several human rights and political activists languish inside Cambodia’s prisons – guilty until proven innocent according to LICADHO. “What you’ve seen over the past year and a half is, for example, a minister or the prime minister decides a post is critical or is unacceptable and will immediately denounce a Facebook post,” Pilorge said. “Within 48 hours this individual is being arrested, charged, imprisoned in pre-trial detention and sometimes convicted.” Increasing regulation  Though the election is over, censorship online is prevalent. Prime Minister Hun Sen was re-elected last month in a vote criticised by the UN as fundamentally flawed. “If the situation for freedom of expression worsens, maybe we will have something that we can do together in order to inform [Cambodians] which tool or application they can use without getting into any trouble,” Meng said. Cambodian digital security trainer Moses Ngeth teaches journalists, activists and human rights campaigners how to secure accounts, and protect data online.  “I train them how to do very basic device security for smartphones, password protection. I tell them to be careful when posting something to social media and not to share any personal information,” he said.  Ngeth believes this new mandate will give the ruling CPP legitimacy to pass its much-anticipated draft cybercrime law. “People cannot talk on the radio, or on television. It leaves only Facebook. That’s why they increased regulation of social media,” Ngeth said. Cambodians can still be arrested, charged, jailed or fined for Facebook posts under criminal defamation, royal defamation laws, or incitement. “I think it’s natural to have fear, but when I see someone is arrested for saying something on social media I don’t feel comfortable. I think that people should feel free to express themselves,” said Kounila Keo, a Cambodian blogger and communications consultant. Prime Minister Hun Sen has amassed over 10 million followers on Facebook. Sam Rainsy, the exiled former CNRP leader who ran in the 2013 elections, claims that many are not even Cambodian and may be fake online profiles generated abroad – an accusation the prime minister refutes. “What [the prime minister] said … ‘When you post, I can know the location’ – it’s one of the funniest things I’ve heard from him,” Ngeth said. “Using Facebook to know the location, it’s not possible,” Ngeth said. Prime Minister Hun Sen and members of the CPP are using Facebook to bypass traditional news media such as newspapers, radio and television, viewed as hostile to the government, to reach Cambodians directly with their messages. “The prime minister and other public figures campaign on Facebook,” said Ngeth. We're not doing anything to harm society. We're doing it to make society a better place, especially for youth to be able to share ideas and contribute. SAMOEURTH SEAVMENG, KNOWN AS MENG, ACTIVIST Back at the Politikoffee debate, the upcoming cybercrime law is considered for discussion in a future forum. Meng wants members to be able to communicate online without being punished for spreading “fake news” for commenting on the draft law. “Now we’re thinking about [developing] a new tool, or a new kind of app, that we can be sure will be safe for us to talk about any issue because we mostly discuss politics,” Meng said. “We’re not doing anything to harm society. We’re doing it to make society a better place, especially [for] youth to be able to share ideas and contribute.” Original Link: https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2018/8/23/i-used-to-talk-about-politics-on-facebook-but-now-its-scary

Cambodia’s bloggerati fear new Internet law

By Zsombor Peter 4 May 2014   Phnom Penh, Cambodia – Once a week, Ou Ritthy and a circle of young, like-minded netizens pick a shop from the capital’s burgeoning selection of trendy cafés and come together to debate the latest apps, gadgets, social media trends – and politics. One of Cambodia’s best-known bloggers, Ritthy has been hosting this “politikoffee” since 2011. He described the crowd as “a group of young, enthusiastic and social media-savvy Cambodians who love sociopolitical and economic discussion”, and “believe in liberal democracy prevailing in Cambodia by enhancing discussion and debate”. With their help, that debate is moving increasingly online. The Ministry of Post and Telecommunications recently said 3.8 million of the country’s roughly 15 million people were using the Internet in 2013, a 42.7 percent jump from the previous year. In 2011, Internet use skyrocketed more than 500 percent. But a leaked draft of the government’s Cybercrime Law has bloggers such as those in Ritthy’s group worried that Prime Minister Hun Sen and his long-ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) are cutting off one of the last remaining outlets for political debate in the country. If this draft law is passed, my peers and I will be more cautious with our political expression despite the fact that we have never defamed or abused any ruling official. - OU RITTHY, BLOGGER “If this draft law is passed, my peers and I will be more cautious with our political expression despite the fact that we have never defamed or abused any ruling official,” Ritthy told Al Jazeera. “E-democracy has just [been] born in Cambodia, but this cyber law will be undermining its process.” ‘Hindering integrity’ The 16-page draft lays out penalties for everything from computer fraud to online spying and child pornography. But what its critics fear most is Article 28, which would make it illegal to publish any content seen to “hinder the sovereignty and integrity” of the country, “incite or instigate the general population”, or “generate insecurity, instability and political [in]cohesiveness”. It would ban any content deemed “non-factual which slanders or undermine[s] the integrity of any government agencies”, or is damaging to the country’s “moral and cultural values”. Perpetrators could face up to three years in jail. Article 19, the London-based advocacy group that leaked the draft law last month, said its wording was “extremely vague and open to abuse”, and the law could be used to criminalise “many legitimate forms of online expression that challenge corruption or wrongdoing by the authorities or are simply critical of the government”. Naly Pilorge, director of Cambodia’s human rights group Licadho, agreed. “It’s quite clear that activists, media, NGOs and others are targeted in this draft law,” she told Al Jazeera. Critics are also concerned the law would have the serving prime minister chair the committee charged with implementing it. Phu Leewood has spent a decade heading Cambodia’s National Information Communication Technology Development Authority, and now advises the government on IT issues. Whoever proposed putting Prime Minister Hun Sen in charge of the law’s oversight committee may have been trying to curry favour and deter any parliamentary opposition to the bill, he told Al Jazeera. He also called the draft “irresponsible” for doing away with checks and balances that should come with enforcing a cybercrime law. “You are concentrating power in one man’s hands, so you are repeating history,” he said. Leewood likened the draft law to the US Patriot Act passed in the wake of the 2001 September 11 attacks on the United States – legislation that has since been rebuked by civil liberties groups. “The content of the Patriot Act is essentially removing individual constitutional rights,” he said, adding a better name for it would be the “Denying Individuals Constitutional Rights Act”. With this Cybercrime Law, he added, “the same is true for Cambodia”. ‘World Telecommunications Organisation’ The government won’t say how quickly it wants to move on the law. Post and Telecommunications Minister Prak Sokhon could not be reached for comment after several attempts. Ou Phannarith, who heads the ministry’s information and communications technology security department, declined to comment. Council of Ministers spokesman Phay Siphan told Al Jazeera the law was meant only “to protect private interest from groups who want to destroy and cause public damage”. Rights groups are asking the government to officially release its latest draft of the law and take public comment. However, Siphan said the government had no legal obligation to do so. “We consult with the international experts… because we have a democratic society,” he said. “We seek experts, not activists.” For advice, he said the drafters turned to the “World Telecommunications Organisation… the WTO”. No record of such a group could be found, however. Since national elections last July, the National Assembly has functioned with barely half of its 123 seats filled. Lawmakers who have taken their seats all belong to Hun Sen’s ruling CPP, which officially won the vote, while the opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) lawmakers are boycotting the assembly in protest over what they say was a stolen election. With nearly half the country’s voters not represented in the assembly, campaigners are urging it not to consider the Cybercrime Law until the opposition takes its seats. The opposition insists it won the electionand an independent audit of the vote, which the CPP is against, would prove it. But even by the government’s own count, the CPP was handed its worst electoral bruising in more than 20 years of power. Ritthy, the political blogger, called last year’s elections “a historic moment [for] e-democratisation in Cambodia” with the opposition and young Cambodians taking to social media to rally support in unprecedented numbers. So much so, he said, many were calling the CNRP the “Facebook Party”. They used social media to help bring more than 100,000 Cambodians out on the streets in support of CNRP president Sam Rainsy’s return to the country just before the elections, after years of self-imposed exile. Demonstrations were largely ignored by mainstream media, but online, Ritthy said, “information about politics, the elections and electoral irregularities spread like wildfire among voters, triggering social dissatisfaction and leading to mass demonstrations. “Social media, especially Facebook, has made [the] CNRP more interesting, lively, updated and relevant to youth, and the young inform their families and… communities.” ‘Bad examples’ According to the official count, the CPP held on to power by less than 300,000 votes. The Committee for Free and Fair Elections in Cambodia, a local election monitor, said at least that many new names will be added to the voter rolls each year between now and the next elections in 2018 – the vast majority tech-savvy and too young to have lived through the Khmer Rouge era or the civil war that followed. Ritthy said those voters will be “game changers” in 2018. With the proposed Cybercrime Law, Cambodia could be moving towards the approach taken by some of its neighbours, said Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director for Human Rights Watch. The monopoly over the national TV and radio, and much of the printed press, doesn't mean as much as it did when more and more Cambodian youth are going online to learn what is happening. - PHIL ROBERTSON, HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH “There are plenty of other bad examples in the neighbourhood, such as China and Vietnam, who can show Cambodia how to go about building trumped-up cases to prosecute bloggers and online activists,” he told Al Jazeera. “Going after opposition political figures and their supporters is entirely possible,” Robertson said. “I’d expect that a couple of high-profile prosecutions of opposition bloggers could be used to try and intimidate others to self-censor what they are saying; that seems to be the pattern.” In Cambodia, he said, “The monopoly over the national TV and radio, and much of the printed press, doesn’t mean as much as it did when more and more Cambodian youth are going online to learn what is happening. That’s the thing that has got the Cambodian government worried.” When independent trade unions representing some of the country’s 600,000 garment workers wanted to organise a strike last month for higher wages, they went online when police started confiscating their flyers and threatening to arrest those handing them out. A group of young Buddhist monks, meanwhile, has started filming its own news show about forced evictions and government land grabs and posting their clips on Facebook. Passing the Cybercrime Law as it stands, Pilorge said, “would be the final step to close off any democratic space left in Cambodia”. Original Link: https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2014/5/4/cambodias-bloggerati-fear-new-internet-law