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Promoting Human Rights Values to Reduce Corruption in Cambodia

Written by: Yatt Malai, A 3rd-year student majoring in International Relations at Paññāsāstra University of Cambodia Edited by: Dr. Heng Kimkong, Co-founder and Editor-in-Chief of the Cambodian Education Forum and Visiting Senior Research Fellow at the Cambodia Development Center (Photo Credit: "Cambodia-0823" by Rock Portrait Photography is licensed under CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.)   Cambodia is a democratic country providing freedom, although limited in some cases, to people to speak out in order to influence anything that happens in society. Everyone loves to live in a peaceful country, and they are happy to do what they love. For those who are nationalist, they would be over caring about how the government leads the country to be better, balanced, or respectful of human rights. In the real world, when people face many problems, they tend to commit corruption because it is a way to help them get what they need. According to a report by Transparency International, there is rampant corruption in Cambodia. For example, Cambodia was ranked 162 of 180 countries in the world in 2021. Corruption is the action of wanting something by breaking the law, it affects respect, destroys democracy, impedes economic growth, and makes inequality, poverty, social division, and the environmental problem worse. People are the victims of corruption, so their voices should be heard.    Corruption and human rights violations are major problems in Cambodia Corruption happens in many fields in Cambodia such as education, politics, social media, environment, industry and so on. Due to corruption, there are many incidents of human rights violations. For example, during the demonstration of employees who are disputing their work with the NagaWorld company, some employees were arrested.   In addition, corruption happens day by day, and some people care only about their benefits by ignoring other people as the victim. Family connections in public institutions and at office are thought to be a serious issue that encourages corruption. Yet recently, the Minister of Interior has demonstrated commitment to educate corrupt officials to improve what a national police reform framework is. However, it seems quiet even the government officials already know that people will criticize those plans because there are still opportunities for corruption among officials in important jobs and positions, usually in favor of the commission's actions. The chance for corruption in state institutions and ministries is considerable; officials still have significant power and responsibility and can abuse their position for their own advantage. The availability, effectiveness, and accessibility of products and services connected to human rights can be severely harmed by corruption. Also, it compromises the integrity and efficacy of the system of governance, the rule of law, and ultimately the country itself. One of the most worrying trends in recent years is the significant rise in land disputes, which has serious implications for human rights in Cambodia where the increasing population depends on the land for survival. Numerous reported incidences of land grabbing were started by soldiers, police officers, or members of the local government. Fair compensation is all too rarely taken into account when evictions are caused by threats, intimidation, or even violence. Additionally, Cambodia often engages in extrajudicial executions, primarily when police shoot demonstrators during land protests.   Respecting human rights helps society to combat corruption  We could now see that more people in Cambodia are confident to spread information than before. For example, they know about the issue of corruption such as the case of deforestation at Tamao Mountain. Respect for human rights could be the most powerful element because it empowers people and tells them how they deserve dignity from society, whether it is the government or their work environment especially when they do not receive it, they can stand up, and human rights is not required by legal practice nor accepted as such. Instead, corruption has an impact on the international human rights that have been covenanted. Furthermore, social rights are most affected especially by petty corruption. For example, corruption in the health sector affects the right of everyone to the highest attainable standard of health. Generally, a human rights approach can draw attention to the rights of those who are affected by corruption, such as the rights to free primary education and access to safe drinking water. It also demonstrates how the misapplication of public funds in those areas prevents them from enjoying the benefits to which they are legally entitled.    Finally, now that we live in a peaceful country, we do not want to see any negative actions including human right violations or corruption, so let us start to reduce those kinds of problems from ourselves first, make our mind clean and moral, and especially know the role of a good citizen. In this situation, human rights play a vital role in dealing with corruption. Thus, we should have a clean mindset, be moral, and importantly find the key sources why they do what they are facing. Moreover, we should try to promote law enforcement as it is helpful for the promotion of accountability and prevention of crimes, which in turn promotes the rule of law and public safety.    * This blog is produced with the financial support from the European Union and The Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency through Transparency International Cambodia and ActionAid Cambodia. Its contents do not reflect the views of any donors. 

Why is Women's Participation in Society Important?

Written by: Phal Monirithy, A first-year student majoring in International Relations at the Institute for International Studies and Public Policy Edited by: Dr. Heng Kimkong, Co-founder and Editor-in-Chief of the Cambodian Education Forum and Visiting Senior Research Fellow at the Cambodia Development Center (Photo Credit: "Her Project" by Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative (YSEALI) is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA 2.0.)   Athenian society, according to the World History Book, was a direct democracy in which women had no right to join an assembly, hold office, own property, or conduct legal business; additionally, their role required them to manage their house and slaves, as well as raise their children. As mothers, they taught their daughters domestic skills when they were 14 to 16 years old and married to men chosen by their guardian. Women, however, now have the right to participate in various aspects of life and career. They have not only stayed at home to raise their children, but they have also established a business and a job in either the private or government sectors. This short article will look at the vital role of women in political, economic, and public sectors.   Political factor To begin with, women's participation in politics has a variety of important societal implications. According to UN Women, the proportion of women in parliament is primarily driven by the importance of women's issues. Women's political involvement is essential to gender equality and authentic democracy. It has promoted women's direct participation in public decision-making and is a means of ensuring women's transparency. For example, in Cambodia, UN Women encouraged Cambodian women to vote in commune elections in 2002 and 2007. Many non-governmental organizations supported the training of approximately 60% of the nearly 12,000 women who ran in the 2002 elections. Women received 8% of the 11,352 available seats. Women performed nearly twice as well in the April 2007 communal elections, gaining about 15% of the seats.  In some Southeast Asian countries such as Cambodia, Myanmar, and Thailand, there were well-known women politicians. Men Sam An is a politician from Cambodia who is a member of the Cambodian People's Party (CPP). In 2003, she was chosen to represent Svay Rieng province in the National Assembly. She has been Cambodia's permanent deputy prime minister since 2009. She is also the first female four-star general. Her calls for CPP party officials to work twice as hard in order to win council elections may have led to the implementation of the fourth phase of the Cambodian government's Rectangular Strategy, which focuses on the development of human resources, economic diversification, the private sector, job creation, and inclusive and sustainable development. Another example is Aung San Suu Kyi of Myanmar. She is a political leader who was denied her election results, which won more than 80% of parliamentary seats, by the Myanmar military. Even though her political life was difficult, she became the former head of state of Myanmar on April 1, 2012, and was sworn into office on May 2, 2012, after official visits with high-profile leaders such as Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra in October and US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in December 2011. In the case of Thailand, it is Yingluck Shinawatra. She served as Thailand's prime minister from 2011 to 2014. She was a former head of state who had to deal with major flooding in broad areas of Thailand brought on by extremely strong monsoon rains, which also caused the closure of many of the economically significant, foreign-owned manufacturing companies. By the middle of 2012, most businesses had recovered from their suffering. However, her candidacy came to an end when she was arrested on corruption allegations related to a government-instituted rice subsidy program.    Economic factors Women have great importance in a nation's economic structure and development. According to the Cambodian Women Entrepreneurs Association, women business owners are becoming more common in Cambodia than ever before. Keo Mom, for instance, was the president of the Cambodian Women Entrepreneurs Association and the CEO of the Lyly Food Company. She highlighted that "women are not weak and they can do what men do." Moreover, women entrepreneurs can use their skills to improve business management and contribute to the betterment of family life and society. "Gender equality is a key factor in ensuring sustainability, peace, and development.” Ith Sam Heng, Minister of Labour and Vocational Training, added that gender equality will increase women’s empowerment and motivate women to be the driving force of the economy and society. As a result of their participation in society, women specifically contribute to boosting economic growth.   Public factor In the public sphere, women play an important role in settling disputes and contributing to society in a variety of ways. Women in blue-beret troops make up a sizable proportion of those deployed for UN peacekeeping missions; they can also serve in a variety of groups and roles, from command to front-line duty, at both the national and sub-national levels. As a result of the large percentage of Cambodian women in UN missions in the ASEAN regions and in nine war-torn nations, mostly in Africa, Cambodia was the second-ranked nation to send female military officers to serve in UN peacekeeping missions. According to VOA Cambodia, more women are now attending higher education institutions abroad. Women who are educated and skillful not only help their communities grow but also take care of their children. According to Pen Rany, a PhD candidate in humanities at the University of Sydney, this promotes the social wellbeing of future generations. Women who pursue higher education gain the knowledge and skills required to work and build their country's human resources, which is the perfect foundation for fostering and developing their country.   In conclusion, women have undoubtedly played a significant role in a number of sectors, including the political, economic, and public sectors, since they have been empowered and granted the right to fully participate in society. Additionally, they serve as the foundation for developing and strengthening their country’s capabilities. Women, when given ample opportunities and support, have the ability to engage at all levels of society and can help men to resolve conflicts and issues that affect their countries and the whole world.   * This blog is produced with the financial support from the European Union and The Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency through Transparency International Cambodia and ActionAid Cambodia. Its contents do not reflect the views of any donors. 

Cambodia’s Hidden Killer: The Tragedy of Road Traffic Accidents

Written by: Chhnoeum Satyareach, A 4th-year student majoring in International Economics at the Royal University of Phnom Penh Edited by: Dr. Heng Kimkong, Co-founder and Editor-in-Chief of the Cambodian Education Forum and Visiting Senior Research Fellow at the Cambodia Development Center (Photo Credit: "Phnom Penh, Cambodia Traffic" by stewickie is licensed under CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.)   Introduction “In a matter of seconds, lives can be irreversibly altered.” This phrase portrays the terrifying and unexpected consequences of road accidents. Road accidents have negatively affected the lives of countless people. The thoughts of losing loved ones and everything in mere seconds have devastated many individuals.  In Cambodia, road accidents are not an unfamiliar phenomenon. In fact, it is one of the major causes of death in the country. Over the past 11 years, from 2009-2019, the number of deaths resulting from traffic accidents has increased by 25 percent, which was more than the 17 percent growth in population during that time. A report by the National Road Safety Committee (NRSC) and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) revealed an estimated 2,000 deaths and 3,700 injuries resulting from road accidents in 2019. There are 5.4 people dying per day on average.  Therefore, understanding the causes and impacts of road traffic accidents is vital in tackling the issue as well as preventing more agony. This article aims to highlight factors that contribute to traffic accidents and its severe consequences. At the same time, the government’s past actions and implemented policies will also be discussed to assess what has been done and what can be improved.    Causes Although there are many underlying causes of road traffic accidents, one of the main factors is associated with road user behavior. This is because human errors contributed to about 98 percent of crashes, 16 percent of which were fatalities. It usually involves the consumption of alcohol, speeding, ignoring traffic rules, and other law-violating activities. Speeding accounts for 34 percent of all cases while disregarding others’ driving rights made up 16 percent, and 4 percent from drunk driving. Other noticeable catalysts are the use of drugs and the use of mobile phones while driving, which also contribute to road traffic accidents.  A survey by UNDP in 2021 showed that motorbike riders accounted for three-fourths of all deaths, followed by pedestrians, drivers of family cars, and operators of freight vehicles. Motorcycles accounted for more than 80% of all registered vehicles involved in traffic incidents. The majority of deaths happened in the capital and on public roadways. All of these factors reflect one of the Kingdom's major shortcomings, which is the weak traffic law enforcement. The law implementation in Cambodia is still limited and therefore much work remains to be done.   Impacts The primary impact of road traffic accidents is the casualties - the injuries and loss of precious lives. According to Interior Minister Sar Kheng, there were a total of 2,670 accidents in 2021, of which 1,497 deaths were reported. Road traffic accidents affected not only individuals but also their loved ones and other people. As stated by Heng Sophannarith, the Deputy Director General of the National Social Security Fund, “Road accidents are hidden killers that cause tragedy and impact families, the economy, and society as a whole”.  On top of that, road traffic accidents also create an economic burden. In 2019, UNDP and NRSC estimated that road traffic accidents had cost Cambodia around USD 466.8 million, accounting for 1.7 percent of the national annual Gross Domestic Product. Among the total cost, about 88.8 percent comes from the loss of life. There is also a loss of lifetime incomes.   Implemented Measures Several efforts have been made by the Cambodian government to address the increasing number of traffic accidents. This can be seen in the establishment of the National Road Safety Committee (NRSC). NRSC is financially backed by the national budget while its road safety strategy is partially funded. Its core duties comprise coordination, legislation, monitoring, and evaluation of matters related to road safety strategies. There was also a fatal road safety target from 2011 to 2020, aiming to lower fatalities by 50 percent. Moreover, the Cambodian government has invested its resources in law dissemination to raise awareness and promote good practices. Road safety information is disseminated to concerned actors, including factories, enterprises, truck drivers, tuk-tuks, motorcycles, bicycles, and pedestrians to take precautions such as putting on seat belts, wearing helmets, and practicing proper guidelines and regulations. Furthermore, vertical deflections have been installed to encourage drivers to slow down and reduce crashes. These include speed bumps, humps, cushions, tables, raised pedestrian crossings, variation in ride surface, and so on.    Recommendations The Cambodian government should continue to promote and strengthen traffic rules and regulations to mitigate the impacts of road accidents. This can be achieved through aggressive information dissemination, including distributing and publicizing key safety rules and standards across various social platforms. The government should also install surveillance cameras to track down and punish law offenders as well as closely monitor the law enforcers to prevent corruption and ensure proper enforcement of the protocols.  Strong management in various aspects of road safety is essential to ensure a favorable traffic environment. In addition, adequate responses and contributions from relevant stakeholders besides the government are needed to address these challenges. Educational institutions also play crucial roles in educating and instilling moral sense in individuals, especially the young ones. To that end, educational institutions should add traffic rules to the school curriculum and organize various educational programs and events. As for the individuals, they can contribute through strict compliance with key safety rules and standards, as well as being mindful of others' rights on the road.    * This blog is produced with the financial support from the European Union and The Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency through Transparency International Cambodia and ActionAid Cambodia. Its contents do not reflect the views of any donors. 

How Should Cambodia Respond to the Pressure from the West?

Written by: Vong Promnea, A Fresh Graduate with a Bachelor’s Degree in International Relations from the Royal University of Phnom Penh Edited by: Dr. Heng Kimkong, Co-founder and Editor-in-Chief of the Cambodian Education Forum and Visiting Senior Research Fellow at the Cambodia Development Center (Photo Credit: Facebook Page of Samdech Hun Sen, Cambodia Prime Minister)   Background  Until now, Cambodia has experienced pressure from Western countries for more than two years already regarding its latest development of human rights. Western countries have been using trade and economic sanctions as a means to require Cambodia to improve human rights. Two of the sanctions are the withdrawal of the Everything But Arms (EBA) of the European Union (EU) and the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) of the United States (US). Although they share similar aims to promote liberal democracy, these two tools are completely different in terms of their origins.  Since 2001, the EBA, one of the three branches of the Generalized System of Preference (GSP) of the EU, has been applied to the least developed countries (LDCs) to allow them access to the full duty-free and quota-free EU market for all products except weapons and armaments. Cambodia, as one of the LDCs, has gained substantial benefits from the EBA scheme for its economic development since 2003. Unfortunately, on 12 August 2020, the partial and temporary withdrawal of EBA from Cambodia became effective. This decision was triggered by “serious and systematic violations” of the core human rights in Cambodia including rights to political participation, freedom of expression, freedom of association and assembly, land rights, and labor rights.  The GSP of the US, on the other hand, expired on 31 December 2020. As of now, it has yet to be renewed by the US Congress and inevitably impacts Cambodia’s exports to the US as it is now subject to “most favored nation” status tariffs. In other words, Cambodia can no longer enjoy tariff reductions and exemptions on its exports to the US that it has received since 1997. The pending status of the renewal of GSP resulted from the call by two US lawmakers through their Cambodia Trade Act (CTA) in 2019 to review Cambodia’s eligibility. The renewal depends largely on the commitment of Cambodia to strengthen human rights and promote democracy.  EBA and GSP as human right conditions  This economic leverage has not only been utilized in Cambodia, but also applied to other developing countries across the world if the “serious and systematic violations” of human rights under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) are found. Basically, the “Enabling Clause” of the World Trade Organization (WTO) has allowed developed countries including the US and EU to grant GSP to LDCs or developing countries, and thus be eligible to put pressure on them. Research has shown that material capacity of great power, known as conventional approach, may facilitate the spread of new norms and promotion of international cooperation.  What makes the GSP of the US and the EBA of the EU different from others, noticeably that of China which is the major competitor of Western countries, is their connection with respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, sometimes known as “trade-human rights”. They allow the US and EU to link the GSP with human rights conditions and sometimes use restrictive conditions to link business objectives with political interests. Kimberly Ann Elliot, one of the economists interested in economic sanctions, pointed out that the motives behind the use of sanctions aligned with the three basic objectives of national criminal law: to punish, to deter, and to rehabilitate. The inconsistency of the Cambodian government   The decision of the EU and US to impose trade and economic sanctions on Cambodia was inspired by their views that Phnom Penh would restore its current situation of human rights. However, the Cambodian government has not made a significant improvement to these issues, especially since the partial withdrawal of EBA on 12 August 2020. In terms of political discourse, Prime Minister Hun Sen has repeatedly claimed that the US and EU have used EBA and GSP to serve their political ambitions and use the human rights issue as a pretext for interfering in internal affairs and thus violating the sovereignty and independence of Cambodia that should be respected under the UN Charter.  In addition, rather than finding solutions, Cambodia continues its actions that are considered as attributions to the recent development of human rights. For instance, in the latest report of the Cambodian Center for Human Rights (CCHR), the space to exercise fundamental freedoms in 2021 was still limited. CCHR used freedom of expression, freedom of association, and freedom of assembly as indicators to measure the progress, which are almost consistent with the core human rights needed to be restored in Cambodia. In this regard, the report demonstrates the unwillingness of the government to reconsider that pressure and especially the action plans that were proposed by the EU and the US.  The consequences of the sanctions  The reluctance of the Cambodian government to lessen human rights problems has not only worsened the consequences of EBA withdrawal and the pending status of GSP, but also impacted diplomatic relations with the West. Most people believe that Cambodia would experience a serious economic crisis in many industries and thus could directly affect its average growth rate. For instance, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) projected in late 2019 that the withdrawal of EBA would lead to a 3 percentage point decline in the growth of Cambodia’s GDP (Gross Domestic Product). This does not account for indirect effects, which may be substantial. These preferences are crucial to Cambodia because they have enabled the country to benefit from competitive advantage, promote economic development, and create employment opportunities.  The projection has been correctly proven as the GDP growth of Cambodia has declined from 7.1% in 2019 to 3% in 2021, although it has been coupled with the impact of COVID-19 pandemic. Based on the report of the World Bank in 2022, it is found that the export of Cambodia to the EU market declined from 28.1% in 2019 to 19.2% in 2022, partly due to the partial withdrawal of EBA. Furthermore, at the same period when the GSP of the US for Cambodia also expired, Cambodia’s exports to the US have increased from 27.6% to 44.7%. However, it has not come without costs. Cambodia has faced the tariffs imposed by both the EU and US that could impact the revenue, in addition to its consequences for the employment sector.  The alternatives that have been defended by the Cambodian government, for example, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and Cambodia-China Free Trade Agreement (CCFTA), would not substitute the benefits that Cambodia has enjoyed under the EBA and GSP preferences especially in the short run. Moreover, Cambodia is losing its international legitimacy as a result of this serious and systematic violation of human rights. Nonetheless, these are not including the uncertainty of the future and the closer monitoring of the EU that can lead to the full withdrawal of the EBA.  What should be done?  In light of these consequences, it is necessary for Cambodia to address issues of core human rights that are crucial not only for realizing human rights – one of the core missions of the Cambodian government, but also for restoring the GSP schemes of the EU and US.  Firstly, the Cambodian government as the duty-bearer should firmly tackle     unresolved and ongoing disputes caused by the ineffective implementation of human rights. An integrative approach should be an option so that all parties can mutually benefit from the settlement.  Secondly, laws or regulations that restrict exercises of fundamental freedoms should be reversed and refrained from enacting. Otherwise, Cambodia would lose the dynamics of such exercises essentially from Cambodian youth.  Lastly, politicians of Cambodia should not perceive the motives of trade and economic sanctions as a Western way of modern imperialism, yet as a loophole of democratization that needed to be closed by collaborating constructively with relevant stakeholders.    * This blog is produced with the financial support from the European Union and The Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency through Transparency International Cambodia and ActionAid Cambodia. Its contents do not reflect the views of any donors. 

The Cambodian Government's Significant Role in Ending the Dispute between NagaWorld Protestors and the NagaWorld Group

Written by: Phat Malyta, a graduate student with a Bachelor's degree in Business Communication at Paññāsāstra University of Cambodia Edited by: Dr. Heng Kimkong, Co-founder and Editor-in-Chief of the Cambodian Education Forum and Visiting Senior Research Fellow at the Cambodia Development Center (Photo Credit: Cambodian Center for Human Rights) There are many problems in Cambodia, such as deforestation, discrimination, injustice, corruption, and inequality, to name a few. One interesting problem that has been stuck for nearly one year and has yet to be resolved is the dispute between NagaWorld workers and the owner. This issue started because NagaWorld announced plans to cut off 1,329 staff because of the financial crisis resulting from the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. However, a union member at NagaWorld said that the reason was to remove the independent union in the NagaWorld group. Most staff who have been laid off are union leaders, union activists, and staff delegates. NagaWorld workers have protested against the layoff outside the NagaWorld casino since December 1, 2021, asking for the casino corporation in Phnom Penh to reinstate workers after NagaWorld terminated more than 1,300 workers last year. Only around 100 workers are still holding out for reinstatement.  The strike turned violent during the protest In the past, there were many obstacles for workers to protest because the security​ tried to block or arrest them and didn't allow them to gather together by putting up many metal fences​. However, on August 11, 2022, around 100 NagaWorld strikers gathered near the NagaWorld building. During the protest, there were many metal barricades that security personnel put on to block the protestors from going near NagaWorld. The violence happened when the protestors tried to pull the metal barricades away from security personnel. According to Cambodianess, the violence left three women seriously injured, one with a broken nose, and several others slightly injured were sent to get medical treatment. As reported by Licadho, a uniformed officer punched one woman in the face leaving her unconscious and bleeding from the nose. This action violates the labor law's "right to protest" and the collective conventions of the International Labor Organization (ILO).  On August 15, 2022, workers' unions and human rights establishments condemned the government's crackdown on women strikers over disputes between the NagaWorld staff and company. Having launched a joint announcement, 38 unions and civil society organizations condemned the government's brutal crackdown to block people from strikes close to the casino, regardless of the strikers' pleas. They must be allowed to acquire a non-violent call in front of the company, which they stated follows the exertions law. On the contrary, after the ruthless crackdown, a Phnom Penh City Hall spokesman issued an announcement accusing the people of the use of violence in opposition to the government.” It is also noteworthy that the case was improved on August 16, 2022, when the Special Rapporteur of the United Nations on the human rights situation in Cambodia, Professor Vitit Muntarbhorn, visited the NagaWorld protesters. According to RFA, NagaWorld protesters were unexpectedly allowed to go directly in front of the NagaWorld casino for two days on Wednesday, 17 August, and Thursday, 18 August 2022, and the UN Human Rights in Cambodia also monitored the protest on Wednesday, 17 August 2022 and released a video footage on Facebook with a statement confirming that the rally was peaceful.  The Cambodian government's significant role in ending the dispute The most significant role of the government is to provide everyone the right to get equal treatment and the right to advocate without violence and discrimination, especially for women workers, to fulfill their fundamental rights and labor rights. There are two main points that the government can end this dispute peacefully. First, the government must pay additional attention to the protection of protestors instead of attempting to prevent them. For example, the role of the government is to square with the protestors to indicate their temperament to unravel the matter with the owner of NagaWorld. It is also the most effective model for demonstrating good governance for the people in the country. Therefore, the government should guarantee a transparent, accessible, and truthful atmosphere for the protestors in the future. It can be an improved lesson for the government to boost law enforcement​ on human rights and labor rights by standing on the principle of justice while not taking any side.   Second, the Ministry of Labor and Vocational Training​ must urge concerned stakeholders and the owner​of NagaWorld to return to the negotiation table​​ to unravel the matter by citing the need to respect labor law and international legal conventions. The Ministry has full authority to figure out with the owner and a union member of NagaWorld and to check on the policy and how to implement the law at NagaWorld concerning staff’s employment termination. Furthermore, applying for either side with the agreement and a win-win solution will be decent. It also helps each side understand more about the deals the employer or employees might raise throughout the negotiation process​​. If the Ministry can free up more space for people to discuss, debate, and offer solutions, it will improve the situation and create a space for both sides to consider and exchange their views on this issue.  In conclusion, I do believe that nobody can end this mess except the government because it is responsible for enforcing the rules of law in society and providing justice to people within the country by taking a stance with the protestors and ensuring that any violence cannot happen throughout the protests again. Moreover, the government ought to acknowledge the importance of the right of the protestors to advocate for their liberty in the labor law. The Ministry of Labor and Vocational Training​ needs to work with both parties to resolve problems by respecting the labor law and protecting the people's interests. The Ministry needs to make an effort to work in partnership with the union activists as well as the Nagaworld company because this practice can give the government an additional tip, and it can assist the Ministry in grasping the scope of the problem for a much better solution. Finally, the government has to bring a positive impact to resolve this dispute by ensuring that everybody receives justice and respects the law in the country.  * This blog is produced with the financial support from the European Union and The Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency through Transparency International Cambodia and ActionAid Cambodia. Its contents do not reflect the views of any donors. 

Land Privatisation in Cambodia Needs Improvement to Gain Public Acceptance

Written by: Sey Jakkrya, a 4th-year student majoring in International Relations at The University of Cambodia Edited by: Dr. Heng Kimkong, Co-founder and Editor-in-Chief of the Cambodian Education Forum and Visiting Senior Research Fellow at the Cambodia Development Center (Photo Credit: "La Vida de Aqua" by Quinn Ryan Mattingly is licensed under CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.)   Background of land reform  Looking back at the history of land reform in Cambodia is crucially important, especially for observing the current land disputes. During the Khmer Rouge regime (1975-1979), all properties belonged to the state, meaning ownership was abolished. In 1989, after the collapse of the Pol Pot regime, the Cambodian government re-established private property rights because collectivism was ineffective to restore the economy at that time. As a result, the government decided to introduce and adapt to the free market hoping to achieve better economic benefits. Land was categorised into three types: land for domicile (ownership), cultivation land (state allocation), and concession land (starting from 5 hectares). In addition, the 1992 Land Law preserved the state rights as the legal owner over agricultural land and recognized the state land which was divided into two types: state public land and state private land. The concession was only granted on state private land. Subsequently, an official land title was also granted for residential and agricultural lands through the enforcement of  the 2001 Land Law.  Why land privatisation in Cambodia?  With the aim of transforming the traditional style of the agriculture sector to modernisation, creating more job opportunities, and contributing to economic growth, private companies are granted the legal permission to clear up and cultivate on land considered as economic land concession (ELCs) by representative state institutions, either the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry, and Fisheries (MAFF) or the Ministry of Environment (MoE). Article 2 of the Sub-Degree on ELCS defined ELC as “ a mechanism to grant private state land through a specific economic land concession contract to a concessionaire to use for agricultural and industrial-agricultural exploitation,” particularly growing food or industrial crops, raising of animals and aquaculture, or constructing factories or facilities for processing domestic agricultural raw materials. In 2015, the first combined report between MAFF and MoE showed that 230 private companies received licences for ELCs covering a total of 1,934,896 hectares of which 122 companies from MAFF and 133 from MoE. The revenue of $80 million for 3 years was claimed by the government, in the same year, through ELCs since 2012. Following the law, it is compulsory for all concessionaires to pay rental fees of 5$ per hectare annually to the government. However, up to now, there is no ELCs assessment made available online for the public to access in order to follow and observe the progress and benefits of ELCs whether they reflect their main objective or not.  Public aggrievement and disappointment over land concession   Despite tax revenue of ELCs claimed by the government, a doubtful question has been raised whether the development is for improving public welfare or just benefiting a small number of powerful or rich people. It is because poor or low income families deeply and gradually depend on agricultural and environmental resources, lakes, or forests, so when those resources disappear or are damaged, it is hard for them to survive. It was reported that rural households’ income dropped for about 20 percent due to the severe limitation to access resources on which their life depends. Therefore, there are two responsive reasons to why many people have expressed their strong dissatisfaction with the complexity of concerns within the implementation of ELCs and their impacts for them and the environment. First, citizens, from villagers to activists, have been observed to always become innocent victims of land privatisation. After the land was granted to a local or foreign private company, residents would have been forcefully evicted with a short-time notice and given an unacceptable compensation which shows injustices toward them. Observing the case of the Boeung Kak lake, 4,253 families were evicted, but only about 1,000 families willingly accepted compensation from the City Hall. Because the government offered just a small amount of money and a small piece of land for some families, people hit on the street protesting to ask and seek justice for themselve, resulting in an arrest of a well-known activist In addition, indigenious people, estimated at 2 percent of the total population, are more likely to be involved in land disputes with private companies. For example, in 2017, over 3,000 of them signed a petition expressing concerns over the negative impacts caused by Chinese company Hengfu, a sugar plantation company. Second, since climate change has become a hot topic locally, regionally, and globally, the public is not ignorant of economic development causing environmental degradation anymore. Without conducting a public consultation and publicly releasing environmental and social impact assessments following law guidelines, ELCs mainly contribute to deforestation and in-filling lakes. From 2001 to 2018, Cambodia failed to protect 25% of the total tree cover, approximately 2.17 million hectares, from clearance for rubber plantation at most. In some cases, protected areas like Snuol Wildlife Sanctuary in Kratie province and Roneam Daun Sam Wildlife Sanctuary in Battambang and Banteay Meanchey provinces completely lost tree covers for rubber and cashew plantations because the land inside was granted to private companies through land concessions. Moreover, 16 of 26 important lakes and 41% of major wetlands located in Phnom Penh were filled and demarcated respectively for building boreys, residential-housing, and satellite cities.    How to gain greater public acceptance? Three fundamental behaviour changes and one reinforcement mechanism would bring the Cambodian government with grateful acceptance from the public on future ELCs. Ensuring better public welfare, not focusing only on the rich, should be the top priority when approving development projects which can be done through public consultation. Providing appropriate compensation based on practical effects is compulsorily pursued by either giving a budget package or a large enough land plot to each affected families, which can be seen not only as an obligation mentioned in the law, but also as a moral responsibility. Publicly releasing environmental and social impact assessments is a must for the responsible state institutions to make it available and accessible for the public, which can be done through digital communication, to guarantee public transparency and accountability in good governance against the public criticism. Finally, the government needs to work on the reinforcement of the 2001 Land Law on granting land titles for residents because holding hard land titles helps prevent land conflicts, especially between the local people and private companies. Thus, having decided how long local people are granted hard land titles can be a good start for now. For example, villagers who lived on the land before private property rights were established in 1989 should receive land certificates.      * This blog is produced with the financial support from the European Union and The Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency through Transparency International Cambodia and ActionAid Cambodia. Its contents do not reflect the views of any donors. 

Why Should Cambodia Rethink Its Migration Policy?

Written by: Thea Sokna, a 4th-year student majoring in International Relations at The University of Cambodia Edited by: Dr. Heng Kimkong, Co-founder and Editor-in-Chief of the Cambodian Education Forum and Visiting Senior Research Fellow at the Cambodia Development Center (Photo Credit: "Cambodia's Garment Industry" by World Bank Photo Collection is licensed under CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.)   In 2020, 281 million people migrated internationally, accounting for 3.6 percent of the global population. A total of 30% of them reside in Asia (85.6 million), which ranks second after Europe (86.7 million). Originating from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) region, there are estimated to be 21.8 million migrants, and among those, approximately 1.3 million are Cambodian migrants. In 2000, there were only about 460,000 Cambodian migrants, but for the past two decades, a substantial proportion of Cambodian people have increasingly migrated abroad or within their own country from the countryside to the city, mainly due to economic reasons. According to a survey conducted in Thailand by the International Organization Migration in 2019, 1.2 million Cambodians crossing the border were primarily looking for better job opportunities and higher earnings. When the world experienced unprecedented mass migration, states tend to establish restrictive migration policies in order to monitor those migrants effectively, but it shapes how local people migrate, which is illegal migration throughout the border. In addition, the lack of adequate and profitable local job opportunities is also a root cause of migration. Seeing all these issues, Cambodia has adopted relevant policies, programs, and strategic plans such as National Strategic Development Plan 2019-2023, National Social Protection Policy Framework 2016-2025, Strategic Plan for Employment and Vocational Training Development 2019-2023, National Employment Policy 2015-2025, National Technical and Vocational Education and Training Policy 2017-2025, and Decent Work Country Program for Cambodia 2019-2023.​  However, expanding the labor market for its citizens is enormously challenging for Cambodia to achieve. Even though some research findings by local, governmental, and international institutions indicate the Cambodian unemployment rate is low among ASEAN member states, almost no research methods are publicized. A low unemployment rate doesn’t mean that employed workers are satisfied with their job in terms of wages. It is obviously seen that the minimum wage raise from $192 to $194 in 2022 is inadequate to meet workers’ needs because, for some reason, inflation plays a major impact. One among other factors that enable labor union representatives to effectively negotiate for a minimum wage and benefits increase for garment, textile, and footwear (GTF) workers is labor market tightness, a period when vacant jobs are plentiful and available workers are scarce. Therefore, the government should be obliged to take the role to expand the labor market. The GTF sector accounted for the largest share of manufacturing employment (72 percent) in Cambodia that has between 200,000 and 250,000 construction workers, according to the Ministry of Land Management. It’s time to rethink and transform both construction workers and GTF workers into multiple skilled workers so that they can earn more in other fields such as tourism, food​ and beverage, science, digital technology, health, education, etc. This leads to an increase in the productivity of national human resources, and the ability to compete with foreign migrants. Moreover, it becomes much easier for them to penetrate into the foreign marketplace because they have certain needed skills, and with the highest hopes that they will get a high-paying job, giving rise to Cambodia’s gross national product (GNP) which is greatly significant for economic growth. How can we transform them?   When thinking of a highly profitable job, people think of working in Korea or Japan rather than Vietnam or Thailand, but migrating to the former is more likely complicated than migrating to the latter. For this reason, relevant ministries should continuously study the supply and demand for jobs in those target countries, and start adjusting the related domestic policies toward that foreign job demand. For example, launching various vocational training programs for people who have prepared to migrate will help them in terms of improving skills, confidence, entrepreneurship, and setting up a clear long-term goal. In the long term, this strategic scheme prevents the possibility of putting a burden on the state when migrants return home in the future; instead, they outperform the majority of their local neighbors in terms of wealth, multilingualism, and education. As a consequence, it helps not just their family but also their community and country as a whole. For example, a report from the Ministry of Labor and Vocational Training stated that every year, Cambodian migrant workers send back to their families around $3 billion in remittances. Secondly, Cambodia's population is growing by about 1.6% every year, equivalent to about 250,000 people annually. It is deeply uncertain that the Cambodian labor market will scale up to 250,000 jobs annually. Because of this, Cambodia should endlessly seek to get the labor market expanded by promoting friendly relations with all the countries across the region and beyond. For instance, signing a memorandum of understanding (MoU) with the host countries on labor cooperation is seemingly the most effective way to the growth of job opportunities. In addition to labor cooperation, attracting foreign investors, especially foreign direct investment (FDI) is also absolutely essential. On this issue, Cambodia has so far done great with regard to legal frameworks, regional, and bilateral trade agreements, and loans, but even so Cambodians are noticeably getting fewer advantages since most of the high-ranking positions in private companies, especially international corporations, are preferable to foreigners rather than native Cambodians due to the lack of human resource competency and other factors.  Finally, the labor market in Cambodia is precarious. Since Cambodia is now a developing country and has a GDP of roughly $30 billion, it is clear that the country's economy is still relatively tiny when compared to that of other ASEAN member states like Thailand, Vietnam, Malaysia, Indonesia, and Singapore. As it happens, the Cambodian economy relies largely on other major economies like the United States, European countries, China, Japan, and South Korea. Evidently, trade volume between Cambodia and China reached $11.2 billion in 2021. This illustrates how significant China is in influencing the Cambodian economy today, and this trade volume number has been continuously rising. Due to this reason, Cambodia’s economy tends to get a strong impact from global changes; thus, underpinning migration policy is a must in order to sustain labor market expansion.   In conclusion, the migration policy is necessary for expanding the Cambodian labor market because Cambodian migrants play a significant role in contributing back to Cambodia’s economic growth. This does not mean Cambodia should not prioritize local job opportunity expansion. Undoubtedly, Cambodia should greatly reinforce the efficiency and efficacy of the implementation of the existing policies and seek further and better strategic plans. The country should incentivize domestic micro, small and medium enterprises (MSMEs) to manufacture finished goods to a great extent so that they can support the livelihood of the locals when they are given a chance to supply raw materials. To sum up, both migration policies and domestic policies are important for expanding the labor market in Cambodia, but what Cambodia needs to do is to ensure that they can be achieved effectively.   * This blog is produced with the financial support from the European Union and The Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency through Transparency International Cambodia and ActionAid Cambodia. Its contents do not reflect the views of any donors. 

Ineffectiveness of R2P: A nightmare of Myanmar caused by the veto rights of the five permanent members of the Security Council

Written by: DIM Sopheaktra, A double master's degree student at the Royal University of Law and Economics and Université libre de Bruxelles Edited by: Dr. Heng Kimkong, Co-founder and Editor-in-Chief of the Cambodian Education Forum and Visiting Senior Research Fellow at the Cambodia Development Center (Photo Credit: "20151106_theinsein_min_002" by Prachatai is licensed under CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.)   Every state, either democratic or communist, has its policies and leadership style; all want to maintain peace and reach the highest point possible. The leadership style of each country depends on the leader of that country, its historical background, or relations with its neighboring countries. These factors can strongly influence a government to be a democracy or a communist state. This opinion piece aims to discuss the drawbacks of an international tool called Responsible to Protect (R2P) in real practice, taking Myanmar as a case.    Myanmar is a Southeast Asian nation with more than 100 ethnic groups and is the neighboring country of Thailand, India, and Nepal. The total land area is 676,578 square kilometers. Myanmar gained its independence as a democratic country from Britain in 1948; however, it came under military dictatorship in 1962.    On 1 February 2021, the Myanmar military launched a coup against the civilian ruling party to declare the invalidity of the Myanmar election results in 2020. So far, at least 1,500 people have been killed in a one-year protest against the military coup. Does this consider an inhuman activity? What is the point of having a veto in the United Nations charter if nothing happened and hundreds of people died because of the unlawful act?     R2P is the practice of international security and human rights norms to secure the state’s ability to protect the population from mass atrocity crimes like genocide,  crime against humanity, ethnic and war crimes, etc. Moreover, R2P has three specific pillars:   Emphasize a state’s obligation to protect all populations within its borders.  Outline the international community’s role in helping states to fulfill this obligation. Identify the international community’s responsibility to use appropriate diplomatic, humanitarian, peaceful, or coercive means to protect civilian populations where a state manifestly fails to uphold its obligations.   It is somehow hard to answer which part of R2P is good or bad. I partly agree that R2P has helped to protect international peace and human rights, yet we should all understand that a coin consists of its head and tail. The idea of R2P is great because at least countries that are members of the United States could not immediately act upon their interests without critical thinking. On the other hand, a legitimate practice is usually far different from what is written on paper. To be a sovereign state, a state must fulfill some criteria such as defined territory, a permanent population, effective government, and the ability to do international relations.    When a state becomes a sovereign state, it has its rights and policies where other states can not violate or enter its territory effortlessly without permission unless they violate international law. To apply this to our daily life, I would give an example of realism theory which postulates that the greater your power is, the better and easier you can control others. Let us take a look at powerful states such as the United States, China, France, Russia, and the United Kingdom. Not all of them are democratic countries. How do we know if there is no human rights violation in their territory? In case there is a violation, who dares to use forces to invade these countries’ territory? The United Nations Security Council can use force to protect the citizens of any country if there is no veto from one of the five permanent members of the Security Council.    Because all countries are working so hard to protect their sovereignty, concerning their own interest, they are more likely to be careless about global challenges. I assume that everyone understands the difficulty of abusing human rights; however, some countries still abuse human rights. For example, North Korean citizens are not well secured and their rights are not maintained well enough. According to the BBC News, North Korea is the world's biggest open prison camp. People are possibly jailed for almost anything. Activists say crimes range from watching a South Korean DVD to trying to defect. These can show that human rights in North Korea are severely violated.    We all know that the aim of R2P is to protect states and the population of their member states. This means to protect its citizens from being violated and suffering from a failure of any state to fulfill its obligation. The question is, why doesn’t the Security Council use forces to address North Korea's human rights violations? It seems that North Korea's big brother is China. Because China supports North Korea to protect China’s interests, the Security Council cannot use force against North Korea's cruel acts.    We might have heard the phrase “No one is perfect.” No matter how good you are, your weaknesses still exist. If I must recommend how to improve this situation, I would say that the Security Council should be more independent while they can use force when needed based on larger voices from permanent states rather than veto! Why would I say this? I believe that the concept of R2P is good-looking because sometimes we as a small state believe that whenever the problem of war, genocide, or human rights violation happens in our territory, we might get help from the Security Council, mainly with the use of force.    Nevertheless, it seems unrealistic because it rarely happens since the use of force is going to be practiced unless there is no veto from one of the permanent member states. To me, it would be more beneficial to our world and the citizens of any state if the five permanent member states use another method to reach an agreement before using force to protect any country and its citizens from being violated. For example, if three voices from the five permanent members of the Security Council agree to use force then it should be the last decision. If not, this tool is just a useless tool because it changes nothing.       *This blog is produced with the financial support from the European Union and The Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency through Transparency International Cambodia and ActionAid Cambodia. Its contents do not reflect the views of any donors. 

Why do youths feel digital training seemingly unnecessary?

Writen by: Kheav Moro Kort, junior digital literacy researcher I had a chance to work as a junior digital literacy researcher for Sour Mouy.  In collaboration with Sidekick, Sour Mouy employed the human-centered approach to research to explore why youths do what they do, seeking the reasons and understanding the emotions behind their action. The study selected samples from the three provinces based on factors, such as early dropout rates, incomes, and large ethnic populations. The findings of the research show that the digital lives of rural youth coming from low-income and education backgrounds are completely drowned in an ocean of pirated and scam-related content preying on their vulnerabilities, emotions, and fears. The digital content they, especially those with less income and education, consumed was almost 100 percent generated for the sole purpose of alluring or soliciting the person to accumulate online traffics such as “Like Farming or Like Harvesting”, as the findings demonstrated. The term Like Farming can be described as a technique in which scammers produce attention-getting posts designed to get many likes and shares. Once a page has reached enough likes to get a decent amount of traffic, it may be stripped of its original content and sold on the black market along with the personal information of followers and users who have engaged (like, react, share, comment) with it. The content served to them through matching algorithms can turn them into unconscious victims or accomplices in a modern generation of internet scams run by our behaviours and emotions. Because humans are emotional beings, often their decisions and actions are driven by their intuition and impulse rather than logic and contemplation. Throughout the interviews with rural youth informants, it comes to light that most of the rural youth are hard struggling with using social media apps and digital devices like smartphones. On top of that, training on how to run smart devices and apps are not seemingly necessary for them, despite their limited education. This shall reflect that digital literacy is being disregarded. The media content from sites or pages they engaged with was published without proper fact-checking mechanisms in place and being disseminated publicly from one to another. In the simplest sense, the contents they get mostly stemming from unreliable sources, unlike contents or information backed up with strong evidence and announced by news media or government agencies. Instead of just reacting and sharing, what rural youth should do is to be more aware of what they are consuming, the potential risks, be more responsible netizens, and more engaged with their own choices. Embracing media/digital literacy and critical thinking for effective use of social media is essential. Ones may know and understand the importance of having strong passwords and turning on the two-step verification process. But as digital illiterate, one may not realize the true nature of the daily contents they are consuming. Some types of content are pirated and scammed. Even if you are tech-savvy, it does not necessarily mean that you are always able to differentiate between fake and real news; therefore, one should equip themselves with media, digital literacy, and critical thinking skills. Media literacy is regarded as an ability to apply critical thinking skills into signs or symbols and messages that are transmitted through media. These essential 21st-century skills allow us to fully understand and evaluate all of the messages we encounter on a daily basis, leading us to make better choices about what we should choose to watch, read, and listen to. Media education navigates us through a complex media landscape to become more discerning, sharp in judgement, and to be thoughtful media consumers and users. Music, videos, TV shows, text messages, social media, online video games, advertising, news, educational contents, radio, newspapers, and other numerous forms of information are also considered media. To critically evaluate and analyse the content published, media literate looks at it from three angles, such as emotional, technical, and cognitive angle. Emotional skills in media literacy are about being aware of your own emotions and how you react towards a certain post. The technical angle here focuses on the state of being aware of how the platform (for example: Facebook, Instagram or Tiktok) works. Whereas cognitive aspects are concerned with the identification of reliable sources on social media; for instance, by analysing the number of followers, likes, published date or the user’s biography, etc. Being able to critically think about social media posts and online stories makes you a smart consumer of those products. The ability to understand how media is constructed and to identify the roles of media play in society, specifically politics, the values embedded and the beneficiaries from pushing those values are such invaluable skills. With skills in hand, time will not be wasted. These skills enable us to pass on the knowledge we have to other people and also to prevent certain media from dominating or exacerbating the society. Constantly and regularly asking yourself about social media posts you consume and engage with (like, share and comment), the nature and the way posts have been created, the motivation or purposes of the producer will somehow guide you to be a well-informed and critical media consumer. The goal of media literacy is not to prevent people from consuming media, but to transform people to become more informed and literate media consumers, helping them from being fall victims or unconscious accomplices of the dark side of social media.  

If Noting Else, Stop Lecturing Youth from Consuming Entertainment Content

Writren by: Leng Hywfi, Sour Mouy Digital Media Campaign Coordinator Photo Credit: American Corner Cambodia - UME, Kampong Cham Intuitively, digital natives who have grown up under the influence of the internet and modern ICT know how to use technology, digital devices, and social media, so they don’t feel the need for digital education or training. It resonates with Sour Mouy’s human center research design in late 2021 when our researchers said both urban and rural youths if they need digital and social media training. None of them said they need. However, young people (digital natives) are not inherently equipped with the skills for safe and effective use of technologies and social media yet. They have actually acquired those technological skills informally because they have spent time exploring and playing with those technologies. They are likely to be incomplete, and not critical enough when it comes to communicating substances via social media. The failure to offer youth digital literacy and critical thinking skills in using technologies and social media would put them into risky positions and create a new digital divide between digital lifestyle skills and digital workplace skills. In the digital era, we know that the traditional forms of entertainment and other social activities have been physically reduced but technologically integrated and found on social media. The digital natives have experienced lesser physical engagements as they start virtually socializing and accessing those online entertaining programs. With increased accessibility to smartphones and internet connections, youth have spent more time on social media. Sour Mouy’s human center research design found that provincial youth (with at least grade 12 education) and Phnom Penh youth (students) spend an average of 3 hours and 30 minutes per day on social media. While rural youth with lower education and income spend an average of 4 hours and 40 minutes per day on social media. Their popular content includes short video clips of TV shows, dramas, comedy, and posting photo stories whose content triggers specific emotions related to heartache, family obligation, being poor and rejected or disconnected, low self-esteemed, lonely, ashamed, self-pity, love-seeking, etc. Are we expected them to be consuming educational and informative content while they need online entertaining content given that physical options are not available, and being less connected with their peers or childhood friends? I believe that issue is not about being pessimistic or disappointed about them consuming overly entertaining content, but rather giving them options in terms of content and motivations to move out of the content which is algorithmically set. I personally believe that the solution is not to keep complaining about them not consuming informative and useful content you want them to do, but to socialize them to access to other content that helps them aware of online risks and security and improves their critical thinking skills. Based on a series of roundtable discussions Sour Mouy conducted with youth in Siem Reap, Kampong Cham, and Phnom Penh in July 2022, we suggested several options to engage those youth: Providing new educational and useful content options (not what algorism gives them): campaigners can break the silo by introducing educational and thoughtful content in social media through community influencers who they know and follow to provide them with regular entertaining content by gradually changing to the infotainment, self-help tips, skills, and knowledge that they can benefit from social media. Using social media to create skills: since the first thing most of us do just after waking up is to check our social media so why don’t we try to make social media a school? Those who need to have skills such as cooking, basic construction work, planting or animal raising, etc to promote livelihoods can use social media as a place for such information and knowledge enrichment. For instance, a husband of Sour Mouy’s informant in Ratanakiri has become a recognized skilled construction worker in his community when he keeps watching YouTube videos on construction work. The campaign to showcase such real examples of rural youth who has changed their life after using social media as a school is paramount. To be critical is an easier said than done phrase. We don’t lecture them with our scripted lines, but we post thought-provoking questions related to their current situations and invite them to think, reflect and compare what they know and experience with what the social media stars are speaking about. Critical thinking is inculcated when people are open to sharing opinions and listening to others and various sources of information. Having too much information on social media creates confusion, so there should be online content on how to create discipline, clarity, and a positive mindset. Yuval Noah Harari says, “in a world deluged by irrelevant information, clarity is power.” For the rural youth, we have talked with, having clarity in mind is very hard since they have a limited base of critical thinking or cross-checking. However, clarification can be done via giving a short pause and thinking, checking the sources, and being less reactive to social media trends in terms of sharing and commenting. Youth should also be informed about digital well-being on their smartphones. Being completely disconnected from social media is not easy and healthy either because it is like we are disconnected from a society already. However, setting time limitations to ensure health, effective and quality time on social media would help especially when they are hectic with their studies or other family commitments.      


សរសេរដោយ៖ យ៉ាត់ ម៉ាឡៃ កែអត្ថបទដោយ៖ អូន ឆេងប៉ (Photo Credit: "freedom of expression is your right" by rhinman)   អត្ថបទទស្សនៈ៖ សិទ្ធិសេរីភាពក្នុងការបញ្ចេញមតិរបស់ពលរដ្ឋក្នុងបទដ្ឋានសង្គមលទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ   ប្រទេសកម្ពុជាគឺជាប្រទេសដែលប្រកាន់លទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ ដែលមានន័យថាផ្តល់សិទ្ធិសេរីភាពគ្រប់គ្រាន់សម្រាប់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋជាម្ចាស់ប្រទេស មានសិទ្ធិអំណាចគ្រប់គ្រាន់នៅក្នុងការបញ្ចេញមតិជាសាធារណៈ។ តាម​រដ្ឋធម្ម​នុញ្ញ​នៃ​ព្រះ​រាជាណា​ច​ក្រ​កម្ពុជា (​មា​ត្រា ៤១) សិទ្ធិ​និង​សេរីភាពជា​មូលដ្ឋាន​ជា​ច្រើន​របស់​ពលរដ្ឋ​ខ្មែរ​និង​សង្គម​ស៊ី​វិល ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋលែងមានកង្វល់នៅក្នុងការបញ្ចេញមតិនិងមិនមានការរំខានពីរាជរដ្ឋាភិបាល។   ក៏ប៉ុន្តែ សិទ្ធិសេរីភាពក្នុងការបញ្ចេញមតិរបស់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋនៅក្នុងប្រទេស គឺនៅមានកម្រិតនៅឡើយបើធៀបទៅនឹងប្រទេសដទៃ។ ក្នុងបរិបទសង្គមខ្មែរបច្ចុប្បន្ន​​ មានភាពមិនប្រក្រតីទាក់ទងទៅនឹងបញ្ហាសេ​រី​ភាព​ខាង​កា​របញ្ចេញម​តិ​របស់​ខ្លួន ​សេ​រី​ភាព​ខាងសារ​ព័ត៌​មាន ​សេ​រី​ភាព​ខាង​កា​រ​បោះ​ពុម្ពផ្សាយ​ និង​សេ​រី​ភាព​ខាង​ការ​ជួប​ប្រ​ជុំរបស់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ។​ ជាមួយគ្នានេះដែរ ​សកម្មភាពពុករលួយ​ថ្មីៗ ដែល​មាន​ជនល្មើស​​មួយ​ចំនួនត្រូវបានចាប់ខ្លួន ប៉ុន្តែមិនយូរប៉ុន្មានក៏បានត្រូវបានដោះលែង ដូច្នេះជាកត្តាដែល​ជះឥទ្ធិពល​មក​លើ​​សិទ្ធិ​សេរីភាព​បញ្ចេញ​មតិ​​ ដែលបណ្ដាល​ឲ្យ​ស្ថានភាព​សេរីភាព​បញ្ចេញ​មតិ​​នៅ​កម្ពុជា​ស្ថិត​ក្នុង​គ្រោះ​ថ្នាក់​កាន់​តែ​ធ្ងន់​ធ្ងរ​ជាង​មុន ក្នុងន័យដែលទទួលបានការចាប់អារម្មណ៍តិចតួច ចំណែកឯសេរីភាពនៅក្នុងបញ្ចេញមតិនៅក្នុងប្រទេសកម្ពុជាសព្វថ្ងៃធ្វើឱ្យមានការព្រួយបារម្ភជាខ្លាំង ។   គណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាដែលជាគណបក្សកាន់អំណាច អះអាង​ថា​ខ្លួន​មានសិទ្ធិក្នុងការដឹកនាំប្រទេសក្នុងមាគ៌ាអោយស្របតាមពាក្យប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ នៅក្នុងការគ្រប់គ្រងសារព័ត៌មាន និងមានការផ្តល់អាជ្ញាបណ្ណ កំណត់ថាអ្នកណាដែលអាច​ធ្វើ​សកម្ម​ភាព​សង្គម​ស៊ីវិល​ អ្នកណា​អាច​ដឹក​នាំ​បក្ស​ក្រៅ​រដ្ឋាភិបាល ហើយអ្នកណាអាចប្រកបវិជ្ជាជីវៈសារព័ត៌​មាន​បាន។   ការបង្ក្រាប​និង​ការ​គំរាម​កំហែង លើស្ថាប័ននិងអ្នកសារព័ត៌មាន​ ដែល​មិន​ធ្វើ​ការ​ក្រោម​ចំណុះ​រដ្ឋាភិបាល​និងគណបក្សកាន់អំណាច ធ្វើឱ្យមានការខកខានក្នុងការ​អនុវត្តសិទ្ធិសេរីភាពបញ្ចេញមតិ ។ ដូច្នេះយើងអាចនិយាយបានថាប្រទេសកម្ពុជាបើនិយាយអំពីប្រជាធិបតេយ្យមានកម្រិតនៅឡើយ ។ ដោយមានការចាប់ខ្លួនសកម្មជនបរិស្ថាន​៣​រូប ដែល​ត្រូវ​សមត្ថកិច្ច​ចាប់​ខ្លួន ក្រុម​អ្នកឃ្លាំមើល​ទាមទារ​ឱ្យ​ទម្លាក់​បទចោទ​និង​ដោះលែង​សកម្មជន​សង្គម នៅ​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​១៦ មិថុនា ឆ្នាំ​២០២១ ដែលបានចោទប្រកាន់ពួកគាត់ថាជាការបង្កអសន្តិសុខដល់សង្គម ដែលការចាប់ខ្លួននេះមិនមែនជាលើកទីមួយនោះទេ នៅពេលសកម្មជនបរិស្ថានប្រើសិទ្ធិសេរីភាពនៅក្នុងការបញ្ចេញមតិរិះគន់រាជរដ្ឋាភិបាល ត្រូវបានអាជ្ញាធរតាមរំខាននិងចាប់ខ្លួន ។ មានយុវជនមួយចំនួននៅតាមជនបទ ដែលពួកគាត់បានបញ្ចេញមតិដើម្បីឱ្យសហគមន៍របស់ពួកគាត់មានដំណោះស្រាយ ដូចជាទំនាស់ដីធ្លី ការកាប់បំផ្លាញព្រៃឈើ បញ្ហាព្រំដែន ប៉ុន្តែសំឡេងរបស់ពួកគាត់មិនមានឥទ្ធិពល និងមិនមានការយកចិត្តទុកដាក់ពីអាជ្ញាធរនៅក្នុងតំបន់ឡើយ មានតែការបិទសិទ្ធិនិងគំរាមកំហែងដល់ពួកគាត់ទៅវិញ ។   ទាំងអស់នេះសបញ្ជាក់ឱ្យឃើញថាអំណាចរបស់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ ដែលជាម្ចាស់ប្រទេស មិនទាន់ទទួលបានគ្រប់គ្រាន់សម្រាប់ពួកគាត់នៅឡើយទេ។​   ប្រសិនបើប្រជាពលរដ្ឋបញ្ចេញមតិលើកសរសើរដល់រាជរដ្ឋាភិបាលទើបជា​ទី​ពេញ​ចិត្ត​របស់​អ្នក​មានអំណាច ។ ជាមួយគ្នានេះដែរ ក្រុមអង្គការសង្គមស៊ីវិលតែងបានទាមទារទៅស្ថាប័នពាក់ព័ន្ធរបស់រដ្ឋាភិបាលទម្លាក់​បទចោទ និង​ដោះ​លែងតំណាង​សហគម​ន៍​ដីធ្លី បរិស្ថាន និង​ព្រៃឈើ ដោយ​ថា វិធាន​ទាំង​នោះធ្វើឡើង​​ក្រោម​ឥទ្ធិពល​នយោបាយ​ដើម្បី​បំបិទ​សំឡេង​រិះគន់ មិន​អនុលោម​តាម​ច្បាប់​ជាតិនិងអន្តរជាតិ។​ ក្រុមអ្នកឃ្លាំមើលទាំងនោះបានលើកយកករណី​ចាប់​ឃុំ​ខ្លួន​សកម្មជន​ការ​ពារធ​ន​ធាន​ធម្មជាតិដ៏សកម្ម នៅខេត្ត​រតនគិរី លោក ឆន ផល្លា។ ការចាប់ឃុំខ្លួន​តំណាងសហគមន៍ដីធ្លីដ៏លេចធ្លោ​ម្នាក់​ទៀ​ត​នៅ​ឃុំ​ជាំក្រវៀន ខេត្តត្បូងឃ្មុំ លោក ផុន សុផល, សំណុំរឿងសកម្មជនការពារព្រៃឡង់ លោក ចាន់ ធឿន ដែលត្រូវបានចោទប្រកាន់ពីបទ «ប៉ុនប៉ងមនុស្សឃាត» ពីជនល្មើសកាប់ឈើ និងសំណុំរឿងចោទប្រកាន់មួយចំនួនទៀតទៅលើសកម្មជនព្រៃឈើនៅខេត្តព្រះវិហារ។   សរុបមក យើងឃើញថា​ មានបុគ្គលមួយចំនួនតែងតែជីកកកាយ សួរសំណួរវែកញែកអំពី តើមូលហេតុអ្វីបានជានាំអោយ​រដ្ឋាភិបាល​រឹតត្បិតសិទ្ធសេរីភាពក្នុងការបញ្ចេញមតិ? ចម្លើយគឺ ពេលខ្លះការបញ្ចេញមតិរបស់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ ត្រូវបានចាត់ទុកថាជាការញុះញង់ បង្កការបះបោរ បំបែកបំបាក់ផ្ទៃក្នុង ផ្សព្វផ្សាយនូវរាល់ព័ត៌មានខ្លះមិនពិតទាំងស្រុងក្នុងការនិយាយវែកញែក មិនមានភស្តុតាង ដូចនេះវាអាចធ្វើឱ្យមានផលប៉ះពាល់។​   ជាមួយគ្នានេះដែរ យើងអាចសន្និដ្ឋានបានថា បើកំណើននៃអ្នកសារព័ត៌មានដែលមានវិជ្ជាជីវៈ​កាន់តែច្រើន និងការណ៍ដែល​ពលរដ្ឋ​អាច​បញ្ចេញ​មតិ​បាន​ដោយ​សេរី​ នោះវិសាលភាពក្នុងការផ្សព្វផ្សាយក៏កាន់តែទូលំទូលាយ។ ម៉្យាងទៀត វាក៏ផ្នែកមួយក្នុងការចូលរួមចំណែកជួយទៅដល់ការងាររាជរដ្ឋាភិបាល ក្នុងការផ្សព្វផ្សាយនូវព័ត៌មានដែលពិតនិងមានទម្ងន់។   ជាចុងក្រោយ ក្នុងនាមយើងជាយុវជនខ្មែរគ្រប់រូប យើង​តែង​តែ​ចង់​បាន​នូវ​សិទ្ធិសេរីភាពពេញលេញក្នុងការបញ្ចេញមតិ ដែលពាក់ព័ន្ធទៅនឹងបញ្ហាផ្សេងៗដែលកើតមានក្នុងសកម្មភាពអវិជ្ជមាន ក៏ដូចទៅនឹងការសិក្សាស្រាវជ្រាវតាមដានយ៉ាងស្វិតស្វាញ ដើម្បីទប់ទល់នឹងជួយដោះស្រាយបញ្ហាប្រទេសជាតិ អភិវឌ្ឍន៍ អភិរក្ស ថែរក្សា ការពារអ្វីដែលយើងមាន៕   *អត្ថបទទសន្ស:នេះ ត្រូវបានផលិតឡើងក្រោមជំនួយហិរញ្ញវត្ថុរបស់សហភាពអឺរ៉ុបនិងទីភ្នាក់ងារសហប្រតិបត្តិការអភិវឌ្ឍអន្តរជាតិស៊ុយអ៊ែត តាមរយ:អង្គការតម្លាភាពកម្ពុជានិងអង្គការអាក់សិនអេតកម្ពុជា។ រាល់ខ្លឹមសារ​ មិនឆ្លុះបញ្ចាំងអំពីទស្សន:របស់ម្ចាស់ជំនួយនោះទេ។


សរសេរដោយ៖ ខន សុខា, សួ សុវណ្ណិកា និង រឿន ចន្ទ័សូលីកា កែអត្ថបទដោយ៖ អូន ឆេងប៉ (Photo credit: "#orangeurhood Cambodia" by UN Women Gallery is licensed under CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)   អត្ថបទទស្សនៈ៖ ពេលនេះជាពេលវេលាក្នុងការលុបបំបាត់អំពើហិង្សាក្នុងគ្រួសារ   នៅក្នុងគ្រួសារដែលចាប់ផ្ដើមចេញពីចំណងអាពាហ៍ពិពាហ៍ដែលមានបុរស និងស្ត្រីបានរួមគ្នាបង្កើតជាគ្រួសារមួយ ដោយមានការយល់ព្រមពីញាតិលោហិតសងខាង ដោយគោរពតាមច្បាប់កម្ពុជាផងដែរ មុននឹងក្លាយជាប្ដីប្រពន្ធស្របច្បាប់។ គ្រួសារនីមួយៗតែងតែមានសុភមង្គលក្នុងគ្រួសារ បង្កើតបានជាភាពរីករាយក្រោមចំណងអាពាហ៍ពិពាហ៍។ ប៉ុន្តែមានគ្រួសារខ្លះ ហាក់មិនទទួលបាននូវសុភមង្គលឡើយ ដោយបង្កើតបានជាអំពើហិង្សានៅក្នុងគ្រួសារទៅ​វិញ។ អំពើហិង្សាទាំងនោះបានធ្វើឱ្យគ្រួសារខ្លះ ប្រឈមនឹងការបែកបាក់រស់នៅមិនចុះសម្រុងនឹងគ្នា ហើយឈានដល់ការការប្រព្រឹត្តអំពើជាបទល្មើសផងដែរ។ លើសពីនេះ អាចប្រឈមនឹងការទទួលខុសត្រូវចំពោះមុខច្បាប់សម្រាប់ជនល្មើសផងដែរ។ ដូច្នេះ ដោយមើលឃើញផលអវិជ្ជមាននៃអំពើហិង្សាក្នុងគ្រួសារ គេបានដាក់ចេញនូវយន្តការជាច្រើនក្នុងការលុបបំបាត់អំពើហិង្សាក្នុងគ្រួសារ។    អត្ថន័យនៃពាក្យ អំពើហិង្សា បើយោងតាមអង្គការថែទាំសុខភាពគ្រួសារកម្ពុ​ជា(រ៉ាក់)បង្ហាញថា គឺជាគម្រូនៃឥរិយាបទដែលជាប់ពាក់ព័ន្ធនឹងអំពើហិង្សា ឬការរំលោភបំពានផ្សេងៗទៀតដោយមនុស្សម្នាក់ប្រឆាំងនិងការផ្សេងទៀតនៅក្នុងការកំណត់ក្នុងការគ្រួសារ ដូចជានៅក្នុងអាពាហ៍ពិពាហ៍ ឬដែលមានចរិកលក្ខណៈជាការប្រមាថមាក់ងាយ ការរំលោភបំពាន ការគំរាមគំហែងលើផ្លូវកាយ ផ្លូវចិត្ត ផ្លូវភេទ និងផ្លូវសេដ្ឋកិច្ច ដល់មនុស្សណាម្នាក់ ក្រុមណាមួយ ហើយដែលប្រព្រឹត្តដោយមនុស្សម្នាក់ ឬច្រើននាក់ដើម្បីត្រួតត្រាទៅលើមនុស្សផ្សេងៗទៀតដែលកំពុងរស់នៅក្នុងគ្រួសារនោះ។    តើមានមូលហេតុអ្វីខ្លះដែលនាំឱ្យមានអំពើហិង្សា? តើអំពើហិង្សាមានអ្វីខ្លះ? ទន្ទឹមនឹងនេះ តើយើងមានដំណោះស្រាយបែបណាខ្លះក្នុងការទប់ស្កាត់អំពើហិង្សាក្នុងគ្រួសារជាបន្តទៀត? អំពើហិង្សាក្នុងគ្រួសារតែងតែកើតឡើងដោយមានមូលហេតុរបស់វា មិន​មែនកើតឡើងដោយគ្មានមូលហេតុនោះទេ។ យោងតាមអង្គការសុខភាពថែទាំសុខភាពគ្រួសារកម្ពុជា(រ៉ាក់) បានបង្ហាញពីមូលហេតុដូចខាងក្រោម៖ ចង់បានអំណាច និងការត្រួតត្រាលើសមាជិកគ្រួសារ ចង់ឱ្យគេគោរពកោតខ្លាចធ្វើតាម ចង់ឱ្យគេគោរពកោតខ្លាចធ្វើតាមតម្រូវការរបស់ខ្លួនឯង ចង់ឱ្យគេស្ដាប់តាមការបង្គាប់បញ្ជារបស់ខ្លួន ចង់បង្ហាញថាខ្លួនជាមនុស្សខ្លាំងពូកែ ខ្វះវិធីគ្រប់គ្រងកំហឹងរបស់ខ្លួន ខ្វះការអធ្យាស្រ័យពីអ្នកដ៏ទៃ ការប្រកាន់យកនូវការអនុវត្តទម្លាប់ខុសឆ្គងមួយចំនួន៖ ស្ត្រីមិនស្មើរបុរស ឬឯងមិនស្មើរអញ ខ្លួនមានសិទ្ធិអំណាចទៅលើអ្នកក្រោមបង្គាប់ ឬសមាជិកគ្រួសារជាដើម។ បន្ថែមពីលើនេះច្បាប់ស្ដីពីការទប់ស្កាត់អំពើហិង្សាក្នុងគ្រួសារ និងកិច្ចការពារជនរងគ្រោះក្នុងមាត្រា៣បង្ហាញ មានដូចជា៖ ១. ការប៉ះពាល់ដល់ជីវិត ២. ការប៉ះពាល់ដល់បូរណៈភាពរូបរាងកាយ ៣. ការធ្វើទារុណកម្ម ឬការធ្វើអំពើឃោរឃៅ និង ៤. ការឈ្លានពានផ្លូវភេទ។ ទន្ទឹមនឹងនេះ ច្បាប់ស្ដីពីការទប់ស្កាត់អំពើហិង្សាក្នុងគ្រួសារ និងកិច្ចការពារជនរងគ្រោះ ជំពូក៤ វិធានការទប់ស្កាត់ និងការពារជនរងគ្រោះចាប់ពីមាត្រា១៣ដល់មាត្រា១៩ បានបង្ហាញពីការទប់ស្កាត់អំពើហិង្សាក្នុងគ្រួសារផងដែរ។ ចំពោះអង្គការសុខភាពថែទាំសុខភាពគ្រួសារកម្ពុជា(រ៉ាក់) ការកាត់បន្ថយអំពើហិង្សាក្នុងសហគមន៍រួមមាន៖ និយាយពន្យល់ពីផលប៉ះពាល់នៃអំពើហិង្សាដោយបើកចំហជាមួយមិត្តភក្តិ ឪពុកម្ដាយនិងសហគមន៍ ធ្វើការដោយផ្ទាល់ជាមួយសហគមន៍ដើម្បីផ្លាស់ប្ដូរឥរិយាបទហិង្សា និងការពារមនុស្សគ្រប់គ្នាក្នុងសហគមន៍ គ្រប់គ្រងការទទួលខុសត្រូវរបស់ខ្លួនលើការប្រើប្រាស់គ្រឿងស្រវឹង ស្វះស្វែងរកវិធីសាស្ត្រដោះស្រាយដោយអហិង្សា ​​និងលើកទឹកចិត្តយុវ័យចេះគោរពខ្លួន និងគោរពគ្នាទៅវិញទៅមក។ យោងតាមការបកស្រាយខាងលើនេះ យើងអាចធ្វើការសន្និដ្ឋានបានថា មានបទដ្ឋានគតិយុត្តិជាច្រើនបានបញ្ញត្តិ ដូចជា ក្រមព្រហ្មទណ្ឌឆ្នាំ២០០៩ ច្បាប់ស្ដីពីអាពាហ៍ពិពាហ៍និងគ្រួសារ ច្បាប់ទប់ស្កាត់អំពើហិង្សាក្នុងគ្រួសារនិងកិច្ចការពារជនរងគ្រោះឆ្នាំ២០០៥ និងគោលនយោបាយស្ដីពីភូមិឃុំមានសុវត្តិភាពដែលបានបង្ហាញពីការទប់ស្កាត់អំពើហិង្សាក្នុងគ្រួសារ។ ដើម្បីចៀសវាង ក៏ដូចជាលុបបំបាត់នូវបញ្ហាដែលកំពុងជួបប្រឈមនេះ យើងគួរតែអនុវត្តតាមច្បាប់ដែលមានចែង ដើម្បីបង្ការនូវបទល្មើសផ្សេងៗ។    ការផ្ដល់តម្លៃចំពោះគ្នាទៅវិញទៅមក និងការគោរពគ្នានៅក្នុងគ្រួសារ ដោយប្រកាន់ភ្ជាប់នូវការអធ្យាស្រ័យល្អ តែងនាំមកនូវការចុះសម្រុងរវាងគ្នានិងគ្នា។ សៀវភៅសីលធម៌-ពលរដ្ឋវិជ្ជាថ្នាក់ទី១១របស់ក្រសួងអប់រំ យុវជន និងកីឡា បានបង្ហាញពីនិយមន័យនៃការអធ្យាស្រ័យគឺការគោរពគ្នា ការយោគយល់​ ការអត់ឱនគ្នា តាមរយៈការយល់ចិត្តគ្នាទៅវិញទៅមកទាំងកាយ ទាំងវាចា និងទាំងចិត្ត។ ចំពោះសាលារៀនដែលមានតួនាទីសំខាន់ៗក្នុងការអប់រំសិស្សានុសិស្ស ដោយបានដាក់បញ្ចូលនូវគោលការណ៍អប់រំនិងមេរៀនស្ដីពីការលុបបំបាត់អំពើហិង្សាក្នុងគ្រួសារផងដែរ សម្រាប់ឱ្យសិស្សានុសិស្សស្វែងយល់បន្ថែមចាប់ពីបឋមសិក្សារហូតដល់មធ្យមសិក្សាជាដើម។ លើសពីនេះ វត្តអារាម ក៏បានដើរតួរយ៉ាងសំខាន់ផងដែរក្នុងការផ្សេព្វផ្សាយលុបបំបាត់អំពើហិង្សាក្នុងគ្រួសារដោយបានផ្សារភ្ជាប់នឹងធម្មទេសនា។ បន្ថែមពីនេះ ព្រះសង្ឃបានបង្កើតកម្មវិធីទស្សនៈទានជាច្រើនក្នុងការផ្សព្វផ្សាយដល់សាធារណៈជន ក្នុងការលុបបំបាត់អំពើហិង្សាក្នុងគ្រួសារ តាមរយៈប្រព័ន្ធផ្សព្វផ្សាយសង្គម ជាពិសេសធម៌អហិង្សាដែលមានចែងក្នុងព្រះពុទ្ធសាសនា។  ការរកដំណោះស្រាយដោយអហិង្សា និងការពិភាក្សាគ្នាចំពោះបញ្ហាដែលបានកើតឡើង នោះនាំឱ្យមានការលុបបំបាត់អំពើហិង្សាក្នុងគ្រួសារជាអតិបរមា។ ការមិនប្រើអំពើហិង្សាក្នុងការដោះស្រាយបញ្ហា បានជះឥទ្ធិពលល្អក្នុងសង្គម ក្នុងការប្រកាន់ខ្ជាប់ធម៌អហិង្សា។ យោងតាមសៀវភៅសីលធម៌-ពលរដ្ឋវិជ្ជាថ្នាក់ទី១១ ទំព័រទី១២ ក្នុងមេរៀនទី៣របស់ក្រសួងអប់រំ យុវជន និងកីឡា បានបង្ហាញនិយមន័យស្ដីពី «ធម៌អហិង្សា គឺធម៌ទាំងឡាយណាដែលទ្រទ្រង់មនុស្សមិនឱ្យប្រព្រឹត្តអំពើហិង្សា មិនឱ្យបៀតបៀន ឬធ្វើទុក្ខបុកម្នេញអ្នកដ៏ទៃ និងមិនធ្វើឱ្យអ្នកដ៏ទៃមានការឈឺចាប់ទាំងផ្លូវចិត្ត ទាំងផ្លូវកាយ»។   សង្គមមនុស្សនឹងមានសុខសន្តិភាពពេញលេញ ប្រសិនបើបុគ្គលម្នាក់ៗប្រតិបត្តិតាមគោលការណ៍នៃធម៌អហិង្សាដូចខាងក្រោមដែលរួមមាន៖ ប្រកាន់ខ្ជាប់សេចក្ដីស្ងប់ខាងផ្លូវកាយនិងផ្លូវចិត្ត គឺការរួមរស់ជាមួយគ្នាដោយសុខដុមរមនា មិនបៀតបៀនគ្នា មិនព្យាបាទ ឈ្នានីសគ្នា ពោលគឺការរស់នៅដោយគន្លងធម៌ប្រកបដោយចិត្ត មេត្តា ករុណា មុទិតា ឧបេក្ខា និងគ្មានការលោភលន់កេងប្រវ័ញ្ច ខន្តី ឬសេចក្ដីអត់ធន់ ជាឱសថទប់ទល់នឹងពាក្យទិតៀន និងការឈ្លោះប្រកែកគ្នា។ បុគ្គលដែលប្រកបដោយសេចក្ដីអត់ធន់ នឹងទទួលបានមិត្តល្អ បានកិត្តិយស និងសុភមង្គល។ ជនដែលចេះអត់ឱន តែងតែមានការស្រឡាញ់រាប់អានពីអ្នកដ៏ទៃជានិច្ច ប្រព្រឹត្តតែអំពើល្អ លះបង់គំនុំគុំគួនដែលមាននៅក្នុងចិត្ត ពោលគឺ ពៀររំងាប់ដោយការមិនចងពៀរ ហើយមានតែសេចក្ដីស្រលាញ់ទេដែលជួយមនុស្សឱ្យរួចផុតពីការស្អប់និងកំហឹងបាន។ ការរស់នៅប្រកបដោយចិត្តមេត្តា ករុណា នឹងនាំមកនូវសុភមង្គលជានិច្ចនិរន្តរ៍។   បន្ថែមពីនេះ សៀវភៅសីលធម៌-ពលរដ្ឋវិជ្ជា បានបង្ហាញពីផលប្រយោជន៍នៃការប្រតិបត្តិធម៌អហិង្សា ការរស់នៅក្នុងសង្គម ប្រសិនបើមនុស្សម្នាក់ៗជ្រើសរើសយកធម៌អហិង្សាមកដាក់ក្នុងខ្លួន គឺមនុស្សអាចឈ្នះចិត្តខ្លួនឯងបាន។ បើចិត្តមនុស្សគ្រប់គ្នាមានធម៌អហិង្សា កាយនិងវាចាក៏មានធម៌អហិង្សាដែរ។ ការជ្រើសរើសយក ឬការប្រកាន់ខ្ជាប់ធម៌ គឺធ្វើឱ្យគ្រួសារ សហគមន៍ ប្រទេសជាតិនិងពិភពលោកទាំងមូលមានស្ថិរភាព មិនមានជម្លោះវាយប្រហារគ្នា មានសន្តិភាព ការគោរពគ្នាទៅវិញទៅមក ទទួលបានផលប្រយោជន៍គ្រប់យ៉ាងដូចជាគោរពជីវិតមនុស្ស តម្លៃមនុស្ស សហប្រតិបត្តិការ មានការយោគយល់គ្នារវាងជនជាតិនិងជនជាតិ រវាងជាតិនិងជាតិ និងការយល់គ្នាជាអន្តរជាតិ។ ជារួម បុគ្គលគ្រប់រូបដែលប្រកាន់ខ្ជាប់ធម៌អហិង្សា មានសន្តិភាពផ្លូវចិត្ត ផ្លូវកាយ សុភមង្គលដល់ជីវិតមនុស្សគ្រប់រូប នឹងចូលរួមចំណែកធ្វើឱ្យសង្គមគ្រួសារ ប្រទេសជាតិមានការអភិវឌ្ឍគ្រប់ផ្នែក។ មិនតែប៉ុណ្ណោះ ការលុបបំបាត់អំពើហិង្សាក្នុងគ្រួសារ ជាកាតព្វកិច្ចរបស់យើងគ្រប់គ្នា។ ការរួមចំណែកដែលមិនអាចខ្វះបាន គឺការចូលរួមពីគ្រប់មជ្ឈដ្ឋាន ជាពិសេសពលរដ្ឋទូទៅដូចជា៖ ចូលរួមរាយការណ៍ជូនសមត្ថកិច្ចគ្រប់លំដាប់ថ្នាក់ពេលមានការប្រើប្រាស់អំពើហិង្សាក្នុងគ្រួសារ ការចូលរួមយុទ្ធនាការនានាស្ដីពីការលុបបំបាត់អំពើហិង្សាក្នុងគ្រួសារក្នុងសហគមន៍ ការផ្សព្វផ្សាយ ការចែករំលែកចំណេះដឹងស្ដីពីការទប់ស្កាត់អំពើហិង្សាក្នុងគ្រួសារទៅកាន់មិត្តភ័ក្រ បងប្អូននិងមនុស្សជុំវិញខ្លួនជាដើម ដែលជាកាតព្វកិច្ចរួមរបស់ពលរដ្ឋទូទៅក្នុងការរួមចំណែកលុបបំបាត់អំពើហិង្សាក្នុងគ្រួសារយ៉ាងមានប្រសិទ្ធិភាព។ ការអប់រំយែនឌ័រស្ដីពីភាពស្មើគ្នារវាងបុរសនិងស្ត្រីក្នុងការសម្រេចចិត្ត ឬធ្វើអ្វីមួយនោះ ដោយមានការចូលរួមពីស្ត្រី ដែលបង្ហាញពីការគោរពសិទ្ធិ ដែលជាផ្នែកមួយដែលមានផ្នត់គំនិតភាពស្មើគ្នារវាងបុរសនិងស្រ្តី ដែលអាចឈានទៅរកការលុបបំបាត់អំពើហិង្សាក្នុងគ្រួសារបានផងដែរ។ ដូច្នេះក្នុងនាមខ្ញុំជាយុវជនជំនាន់ក្រោយ ខ្ញុំនឹងចូលរួមយ៉ាងសកម្មក្នុងការលុបបំបាត់រាល់អំពើហិង្សាក្នុងគ្រួសារ អំពើហិង្សាដ៏ទៃទៀត ការប្រកាន់ភ្ជាប់ធម៌អហិង្សាជានិច្ចក្នុងការរកដំណោះស្រាយអ្វីមួយ និងបង្កើនការចូលរួមគ្រប់សកម្មភាពក្នុងការឆ្លើយតបទៅលើលុបបំបាត់អំពើហិង្សាក្នុងគ្រួសារ។  «បដិសេធការប្រើប្រាស់អំពើហិង្សាក្នុងគ្រួសារ និងបញ្ចប់អំពើហិង្សាគ្រប់រូបភាព សម្រាប់មនុស្សគ្រប់គ្នា!»    * អត្ថបទទស្សន:នេះ ត្រូវបានផលិតឡើងក្រោមជំនួយហិរញ្ញវត្ថុរបស់សហភាពអឺរ៉ុប និងទីភ្នាក់ងារសហប្រតិបត្តិការអភិវឌ្ឍអន្តរជាតិស៊ុយអ៊ែត តាមរយ:អង្គការតម្លាភាពកម្ពុជានិងអង្គការអាក់សិនអេតកម្ពុជា។ រាល់ខ្លឹមសារ​ មិនឆ្លុះបញ្ចាំងអំពីទស្សន:របស់ម្ចាស់ជំនួយនោះទេ។


សរសេរដោយ៖ ពក ពន្លឺ និង ស៊ន ស្រីអាង កែអត្ថបទដោយ៖ អូន ឆេងប៉ (Photo Credit: "ASEAN Youth Volunteer Program" by USAID Asia is licensed under CC BY-NC 2.0)   អត្ថបទទស្សនៈ៖ ហេតុអ្វីយុវជនសតវត្សរ៍ទី២១នៅតែភ័យខ្លាចក្នុងការចូលរួមក្នុងនយោបាយ?   ស្ថានភាពបច្ចុប្បន្ន សកម្មជនអតីតគណបក្សប្រឆាំងមិនក្រោមពី១៤នាក់ទេ ដែលត្រូវបានចោទប្រកាន់ពីបទ «រួម​គំនិត​ក្បត់ និង​ញុះញង់​ឱ្យ​ប្រព្រឹត្ត​បទ​ឧក្រិដ្ឋ​ជា​អាទិ៍» និង​បទ «រួម​គំនិត​ក្បត់​ និង​ញុះ​ញង់​ឱ្យ​មាន​ភាព​វឹកវរ​ធ្ងន់ធ្ងរ​ដល់​សន្តិសុខ​សង្គម»។ ជាក់​ស្ដែង​​ថ្មីៗ​បំផុត​នេះ លោកស៊ិន ខុន ជា​សកម្ម​ជន​នយោបាយ ត្រូវ​បាន​ជន​មិន​ស្គាល់​មុខ​ធ្វើ​ឃាត។ លោក​ត្រូវ​បាន​គេ​​ស្គាល់​ថា​ឧស្សាហ៍​បង្ហោះ​រឿង​នយោបាយ​និង​បញ្ចេញ​មតិ​ទស្សនៈ​លើ​បណ្តាញ​សង្គម។   ម្យ៉ាង​វិញ​ទៀត​ ទោះ​បី​សកម្ម​ជន​នយោបាយ​មួយ​ចំនួន ខំ​រត់​ភៀស​ខ្លួន​ទៅ​ក្រៅ​ប្រទេស​ដូច​ជា​ប្រទេស​ថៃ​ជា​ដើម​ ក៏​ត្រូវ​បាន​អាជ្ញាធរ​កម្ពុជា​សហការ​ជាមួយ​សមត្ថកិច្ច​ថៃ​ចាប់​បញ្ចូន​ខ្លួន​មក​វិញ​ផង​ដែរ។ ជាក់​ស្តែង​កាល​ពី​ខែ​វិច្ឆិកា​​កន្លង​ទៅ​នេះ អ្នកស្រី ឡាញ់ ថាវរី អតីត​សកម្មជន​គណបក្ស​ប្រឆាំង​ត្រូវ​សមត្ថកិច្ច​ថៃ​ចាប់​បញ្ជូន​ខ្លួន​មក​ឱ្យ​អាជ្ញាធរកម្ពុជា​វិញ។ បើ​យោង​តាម​អង្គការ​ឃ្លាំ​មើល​សិទ្ធិ​មនុស្ស​អន្តរជាតិ (Human Rights Watch) ចេញ​ផ្សាយ​របាយ​ការណ៍​កាល​ពី​ថ្មីៗ​នេះ​ មាន​សកម្ម​ជន​បរិស្ថាន នយោបាយ និងអ្នក​ទោស​មនសិការ​ចំនួន​៦០​នាក់​ទៀត​កំពុង​ជាប់​ឃុំ ​និង​ចោទ​ប្រកាន់​ពី​បទ​ល្មើស​ផ្សេងៗ។​ ជា​រួម​រយៈពេល​មួយ​ទសវត្សរ៍​មក​នេះ សកម្មភាព​ចាប់​យុវជន​ដែល​ជា​សកម្មជន​នយោបាយ​ សកម្មជន​បរិស្ថាន សិទ្ធិ​មនុស្ស ឬ​រូប​វ័ន្តបុគ្គល​ដែល​បាន​បញ្ចេញ​គំនិត​ និង​ទស្សនៈ​ក្នុង​ប្រព័ន្ធ​​ទំនាក់​ទំនង​សង្គម​ពាក់ព័ន្ធ​នយោបាយ ក៏​ត្រូវ​បាន​ចាប់​ខ្លួន​ និង​គំរាម​គំហែង​ដោយ​សមត្ថកិច្ច​កាន់​តែ​ច្រើនៗ​ទៅ និង​ជា​បន្ត​បន្ទាប់។ ជា​ពិសេស​ការ​រំលាយ​គណបក្ស​សង្គ្រោះ​ជាតិ​​កាលពី​ថ្ងៃ​ទី១៦ ខែវិច្ឆិកា ឆ្នាំ២០១៧ ដែល​ជា​គណបក្ស​ប្រឆាំង​ដ៏​ធំ និង​មាន​សក្តានុពល​មួយ​នៅ​ក្នុង​ស្រុក​ ហើយ​នេះ​ក៏​ជា​ភ្លើង​ក្រហម​បង្ហាញ​ឱ្យ​គណបក្ស​នយោបាយ សកម្មជន យុវជន ពលរដ្ឋ និង​សាធារណ​ជន​ទូទៅ មាន​ការ​ភ័យ​ខ្លាច តក់​ស្លុត និង​លែង​ហ៊ាន​ចូល​រួម ​ឬ​បញ្ចេញ​មតិ​ពាក់​ព័ន្ធ​នយោបាយ​បន្ត​ទៀត។ ដោយ​ឡែក ទោះ​បី​ប្រទេស​ជាតិ​មាន​វិបត្តិ​វឹកវរ ដោយ​សារ​កូវីដ-១៩​ក៏​ដោយ​ ក៏​មាន​យុវជន​មិន​ក្រោម​ពី​២០នាក់​ទេ ដែល​ត្រូវ​បាន​ចាប់​ខ្លួន​ដោយ​ចោទ​ពី​បទ «ញុះ​ញង់ និង​បង្ក​ឱ្យ​មាន​អសន្តិសុខ​សង្គម» ដែល​ជា​បទ​ល្មើស​ដ៏​ល្បី​​ក្នុង​ប្រព័ន្ធ​តុលាការ​កម្ពុជា​ប្រចាំ​យុគ​សម័យ​កូវីដ-១៩​នេះ​។ ដូច្នេះ​ថា​តើ​សកម្មភាព និង​ហេតុការណ៍​ទាំង​អស់​នេះ​ឬ​ ជា​កត្តា​ធ្វើ​ឱ្យ​យុវជន​សម័យ​នេះ (សតវត្សរ៍ទី២១)ភ័យ​ខ្លាច និង​តក់​ស្លុត​លែង​ហ៊ាន​ចូល​រួម​សកម្មភាព​នយោបាយ​ និង​ការ​បញ្ចេញ​មតិ​ពាក់​ព័ន្ធ​នយោបាយ? ឬ​ក៏​យុវជន​ខ្លួន​ឯង​មិន​មាន​ចំណេះ​ដឹង​ ឬ​មន​សិការ​ក្នុង​កិច្ចការ​នយោបាយ?​   អ្វីជានយោបាយ ដោយ​ផ្តើម​ពី​សំណួរ​ថា​អ្វី​ទៅ​គឺ​ជា «នយោបាយ» ?  ពាក្យ​ថា​នយោបាយ​មាន​ការ​ផ្តល់​នូវ​និយម​ន័យ​ជា​ច្រើន និង​ការ​ពន្យល់​បក​ស្រាយ​ផ្សេងៗ​ពី​គ្នា។ ប៉ុន្តែ​យើង​អាច​សិក្សា​ឈ្វេង​យល់​តាម​រយៈ​ទស្សន​វិទូ​ល្បីៗ​កាល​ពី​អតីតកាល ដូច​លោក​ប្លា​តុង / Platon (428-347 BC «មុន គ.ស.») បានឱ្យនិ​យម​ន័យ​ថា «នយោបាយ គឺជា​សិល្បៈ​ដឹក​នាំ​ហ្វូង​មនុស្ស»។ ចំពោះលោកអា​រី​ស្តូ​ត / Aristoteles (384-322 BC) «នយោបាយ​គឺ​ជា​កិច្ចការ​ទំនាក់​ទំនង​របស់​ប្រជាពល​រដ្ឋ​នៅ​ក្នុង​ប្រទេស ឬបុរី​-រដ្ឋ»។ ចំណែក​នៅក្នុង​វចនានុក្រម​សម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ ជួន ណាត បាន​ពន្យល់​ពាក្យ​នេះ​ថា «នយោបាយ (ន)៖ (ន​យ+ឧបាយ) មាន​ន័យ​ថា ឧបាយ​ក្នុង​ការណែនាំ, កលល្បិច ឬ​មេ​គំនិត​ដែល​គេ​ផ្ដើម​ឡើង​ដើម្បី​ដឹកនាំ​ជន​ដទៃ​ឲ្យ​ប្រព្រឹត្ត​ទៅរក​ទិសដៅ​យ៉ាងនេះ ឬ​យ៉ាង​នោះ, កិច្ចការ​ទាក់​ទង​នឹង​ការ​គ្រប់​គ្រង​រដ្ឋ»។ ពោល​ដោយ​សរុប​មក ទោះ​ជា​គេ​មើល​និយម​ន័យ​នយោបាយ​ពី​ជ្រុង​ណា​មក​ក៏​ដោយ​ វា​សុទ្ធ​តែ​មាន​ការ​ទាក់​ទង​នឹង​អំណាច​របស់​រដ្ឋ​ទាំង​អស់។ អំណាច​ដែល​បាន​ពេល​នេះ​ មិន​មែន​ជា​អំណាច​ធម្មតា តែ​ជា​អំណាច​ខ្ពស់​បំផុត​របស់​រដ្ឋ ឬ​របស់​ផែន​ដី។ បញ្ហា​សំខាន់​ដែល​គួរ​តែ​យក​ចិត្ត​ទុក​ដាក់​ គឺ​អំណាច​ខាង​នយោបាយ ប្រើ​ដើម្បី​ប្រយោជន៍​នរណា? ហើយ​អ្វី​ជា​តួនាទី​នយោបាយ ​និង​នយោបាយ​មាន​សារៈ​សំខាន់​យ៉ាង​ណា​ចំពោះ​សង្គម​ជាតិ? ហើយ​យុវជន​ចូល​រួម​សកម្មភាព​នយោបាយ ជា​កត្តា​ជំរុញ​ឱ្យ​ប្រទេសជាតិ​រីកចម្រើន​ដែរ​ឬ​ទេ?   តួនាទីរបស់នយោបាយ តួនាទី​របស់​នយោបាយ ​គឺ​ការ​ធ្វើ​ឱ្យ​ពល​រដ្ឋ​ក្លាយ​ទៅ​ជា​បុគ្គល​ដែល​យល់​ច្បាស់​នូវ​វប្បធម៌​នយោបាយ។​(ឧ. របប​នយោបាយ) ពលរដ្ឋ​ទាំង​អស់​មិន​ត្រូវ​អនុញ្ញាតិ​ឱ្យ​អ្នក​នយោបាយ​ចាត់​ទុក​ពលរដ្ឋ​ជា​មនុស្ស​យន្ត (Robot) ដែល​អាច​វាយ​តប់​ និង​អាច​ប្រើ​ប្រាស់​តាម​គោលបំណង​របស់​អ្នក​នយោបាយ​ទេ។ ដូច្នេះ ពលរដ្ឋ​ទាំង​ឡាយ​ត្រូវ​តែ​មាន​ចំណេះ​ដឹង​ផ្នែក​សង្គម​នយោបាយ​ យល់​ដឹង​អំពី​តក្កភាព​នៃ​ដំណើរ​រីក​ចម្រើន​សង្គម យល់​ដឹង​ជីវិត​គណបក្ស​នយោបាយ មេដឹកនាំ​នយោបាយ​ និង​ស្គាល់​ឱ្យ​ច្បាស់​អ្វី​ជា​អត្ថន័យ​នីតិរដ្ឋ។ ធ្វើ​ដូច្នោះ​ទើប​ជា​ពលរដ្ឋ​ដែល​មាន​កម្លាំង​រឹង​មាំ ​ដែល​អាច​ការ​ពារ​រដ្ឋ ដែល​សម​ជា​ឈ្មោះ​ពល​(សេនា)​របស់​រដ្ឋ​បាន។   សារសំខាន់​របស់​នយោបាយ​ ម្យ៉ាង​វិញ​ទៀត នយោបាយ​ពិត​ជា​មាន​សារ​សំខាន់​ខ្លាំង​ណាស់ មិន​ថា​សម្រាប់​យុវជន បុគ្គល​ ឬ​ពល​រដ្ឋ សូម្បី​សង្គមជាតិ​ក៏​មិន​អាច​ខ្វះ​នយោបាយ​បាន​ដែរ។ ហើយ​យុវជន​គឺ​ជា​កម្លាំង​ស្នូល​ ដើម្បី​ចូល​រួម​កែ​ប្រែ និង​អភិវឌ្ឍ​សង្គម​តាម​បែប​សកម្មភាព​ផ្សេងៗ ជំនាញ​ផ្សេងៗ ហើយ​អ្វី​ដែល​យុវជន​មិន​អាច​ខ្វះ​បាន​គឺ​ចំណេះ និង​ជំនាញ​នយោបាយ។​ នៅ​ពេល​យុវជន​មាន​ចំណេះ​ដឹង​ស៊ី​ជម្រៅ​ក្នុង​នយោបាយ បែប​មាន​ហេតុ​ផល​ និង​តក្ក​វិជ្ជា​ច្បាស់​លាស់ នោះ​យុវជនមិន​ដើរ​លើ​ផ្លូវ​ធ្លាក់​ទៅ​ក្នុង​ស្ថាន​ភាព​ចាញ់​បោក​អ្នក​ដទៃ ឬ​អ្នក​នយោបាយ​នោះ​ឡើយ។ ១. យុវជន​ចេះ​វិភាគ និង​កំណត់​ច្បាស់​លាស់​ថា អ្នក​ណា​ជា​អ្នក​នយោបាយ​បោក​ប្រាស់​ មាន​ល្បិច​កិច្ច​កល្ប ប្រើ​ពាក្យ​ពេជន៍​ផ្អែម​ល្អែម​ដូច​ជា​ផ្លែល្វា។ ២. យុវ​ជន​យល់​ដឹង​នូវ​ដំណើរ​ការ​នយោបាយ​កំពុង​តែ​ស្ថិត​លើ​ផ្លូវ​ត្រូវ ឬ​ផ្លូវ​ខុស​ចំពោះ​សេចក្តី​អនុម័ត និង​សម្រេច​អ្វី​ផ្សេងៗ។ ៣. យុវ​ជន​យល់​ច្បាស់​អំពី​កន្លែង​របស់​ខ្លួន និង​តួនាទី​នៅ​ក្នុង​សង្គម សិទ្ធិ និង​កាតព្វ​កិច្ច​ ហើយ​នឹង​មាន​សមត្ថ​ភាព​គ្រប់គ្រាន់ ដើម្បី​ការពារ​ផល​ប្រយោជន៍​របស់​ខ្លួន ឬ​ប្រយោជន៍​សង្គម​ក្នុង​ប្រទេស។​ ៤.​ចំណេះ​ដឹង​ផ្នែក​នយោបាយ​របស់​យុវជន ជា​កត្តា​ធ្វើ​ឱ្យ​អ្នក​នយោបាយ​បោក​ប្រាស់ អ​សមត្ថ​ភាព​ និង​ជា​អ្នក​នយោបាយ​អត្ត​ទត្ថ​បុគ្គល មាន​ការ​ភ័យ​ខ្លាច​ និង​គ្មាន​ជីវភាព​ក្នុង​នយោបាយ​បាន​យូរ​ទេ។ ៥. ធ្វើ​ឱ្យ​សង្គម​មាន​ប្រជាធិតេយ្យ​ និង​អ្នក​ដឹក​នាំ​នយោបាយ​មាន​មនសិការ​ស្នេហា​ជាតិ​ពិត​ប្រាកដ ហើយ​វា​ជា​ចលករ​ឱ្យ​ពលរដ្ឋ​មាន​សិទ្ធិ សេរីភាព និង​មាន​ការ​ការពារ​ពី​ច្បាប់​ស្មើៗ​គ្នា។ ជា​រួម​នៅ​ពេល​យុវជន​មាន​កត្តា​ទាំង​អស់​នេះ​ហើយ យុវជន​នឹង​ពួត​ដៃ​គ្នា​ចូល​រួម​សម្អាត​សង្គម​ និង​អភិវឌ្ឍ​សង្គម តាម​បែប​បញ្ចេញ​គំនិត​យ៉ាង​ស៊ី​ជម្រៅ​ និង​តាម​ដាន​អ្នក​នយោបាយ​ប្រព្រឹត្ត​អំពើ​ពុករលួយ និង​ការ​ដឹក​នាំ​គ្មាន​តម្លាភាព និង​យុត្តិធម៌​ចំពោះ​ស្ថាប័ន និង​វិស័យ​មួយ​ចំនួន។​ ចូល​រួម​ទប់​ស្កាត់​កុំ​ឱ្យ​មាន​វិបត្តិ​សង្គម​កើត​ឡើង និង​ចូល​រួម​កែ​ប្រែ​ និង​ស្តារ​ប្រព័ន្ធ​សង្គម​ឱ្យ​មាន​ភាព​ទាក់​ទាញ និង​ស្ថិរ​ភាព​ដើម្បី​ឱ្យ​ការ​វិនិយោគ​ពី​បរទេស​កាន់​តែ​ច្រើន​ នោះ​នឹង​នាំ​សេដ្ឋកិច្ច​ជាតិ​កាន់​តែ​រីក​ចម្រើន។   ឫសគល់នៃការភ័យខ្លាចរបស់យុវជន យើង​ដឹង​ថា​យុវជន​មាន​ភាព​ភ័យ​ខ្លាច​ក្នុង​ការ​ចូល​រួម​ក្នុង​សកម្មភាព​នយោបាយ​ បើ​ផ្អែក​ទៅ​តាម​ភាព​អសកម្ម​ ក៏​ដូច​ជា​កិរិយា​មិន​ខ្វាយ​ខ្វល់​មួយចំ​នួន​ធំនៅ​ក្នុង​ប្រធានបទ​នយោបាយ​ពីសំណាក់​យុវជន។ ដោយ​ឡែក​បើ​យើង​ពិនិត្យ​អោយ​កាន់តែជ្រៅទៅមួយស្រទាប់ទៀត យើង​នឹង​ដឹង​ថា​ភាព​ភ័យ​ខ្លាច​របស់​ពួក​គេ​មិន​មែន​ស្ថិត​នៅ​លើ​តែ​កត្តា​សង្គម​ដូច​ដែល​យើង​គិត​តែ​ប៉ុណ្ណោះ​ទេ ដោយ​ហេតុ​កត្តា​ផ្នត់​គំនិត ការ​អប់រំ​សង្គម ទម្លាប់​នៃ​ការ​រស់​នៅ ​និង​បុគ្គល​ខ្លួន​ឯង​ផ្ទាល់​ដែល​នាំឱ្យ​កើត​មាន​ការ​ភ័យ​ខ្លាច​បាក់​ស្បាត​រាប់​តំណរ​បែប​នេះ។ សង្គម​មួយ​មាន​ការ​អភិវឌ្ឍ​បាន លុះ​ត្រា​តែ​មនុស្ស​នៅ​ក្នុង​សង្គម​នោះ​មាន​ប្រពៃណី​ជា​អ្នក​រៀន​ អ្នក​គិត​វិភាគ​ប្រកប​ដោយ​ហេតុ​និង​ផល​ច្បាស់​លាស់ ជា​អ្នក​ចូល​រួម​ក្នុង​កិច្ច​ការ​ប្រទេស​ ខ្វាយ​ខ្វល់​ឈឺ​ឆ្អាល​នឹង​សុខ​ទុក្ខ​ប្រទេស​ជាតិ​ ជា​សង្គម​ដែល​ចំណុះទៅ​ដោយ​ប្រជា​ពលរដ្ឋ​ដែល​មាន​ការ​អប់រំ​ខ្ពស់​ ក្នុងកម្រិតមួយដែលការសម្រេចចិត្តត្រូវបានធ្វើឡើងក្រោមការគិតវិភាគល្អិតល្អន់។ រី​ឯ​នៅ​ក្នុង​សង្គម​កម្ពុជា​បច្ចុប្បន្ន​វិញ ភាព​ប្រងើយ​កន្តើយ​មិន​អើពើ​របស់​យុវជន បង្ហាញ​ចេញ​យ៉ាង​ច្បាស់​នៅ​ក្នុង​យុវជន​មួយ​ភាគ​ធំ​នៃ​ប្រទេស។ យុវជននៅកម្ពុជា (អាយុក្រោមសាមសិបឆ្នាំ) មានចំនួនប្រមាណ ៦៥.៣% នៃប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាសរុប​ នេះបើយោងទៅតាមអង្គការសហប្រជាជាតិប្រចាំប្រទេសកម្ពុជា  ប៉ុន្តែ​ហេតុអ្វី​ទើប​នេះ​ជា​រឿង​សំខាន់​ដែរ​ចំពោះ​នយោបាយ​ប្រទេស? ដោយ​ហេតុ​ថា​សង្គម​គឺ​ដើរ​ទៅ​មុខ ពេល​វេលា​កន្លង​ទៅ​ជានិច្ច​ របត់​នៃ​ការ​រស់​នៅ​មាន​ការ​ប្រែប្រួល​ដែល​ទាម​ទារ​អោយ​មនុស្ស​រត់​តាម​ឱ្យ​ទាន់​សម័យ​កាល​ ឯ​សម័យ​នេះ​ជា​សម័យ​ដែល​ប្រជាជន​មិន​ថា​ក្មេង​ចាស់​ប្រុស​ស្រី​មាន​សិទ្ធិ​ក្នុង​ការ​ចូល​រួម​ ការ​បញ្ចេញ​មតិ​ជា​សាធារណៈ។  រឿង​នេះ​ត្រូវ​បាន​អនុវត្ត​នៅ​តាម​បណ្តា​ប្រទេស​រីក​ចម្រើន​ជា​ច្រើន​នៅ​ជុំវិញ​ពិភព​លោក​រួច​មក​ហើយ ដែល​យើង​មើល​ឃើញ​ថា​ប្រជាជន​នៅ​តាម​បណ្តា​ប្រទេស​ទាំង​នោះ​មាន​ឆន្ទៈ​ក្នុង​ការ​ចូល​រួម​ក្នុង​សង្គម តាម​ដាន​និង​ជម្រុញ​នូវ​កិច្ច​ការ​នយោបាយ​ជាតិ​ សង្គម​មាន​ធនធាន​មនុស្ស​ដែល​ប្រកប​ដោយ​ចំណេះ​ដឹង​ច្រើន។ ដូច្នេះ​ហើយ​ ភាព​ភ័យ​ខ្លាច​របស់​យុវជន​ក្នុង​សង្គម​ខ្មែរ​នា​សម័យ​នេះ​ស្តែង​ឱ្យ​ឃើញ​ពី​កង្វះ​ការ​អប់រំ​របស់​ប្រជាជន​អំពី​នយោបាយ​ ប្រជាជន​មិន​ស្គាល់​អ្វី​ដែល​ជា​នយោបាយ​ពិត​ប្រាកដ មិន​ដឹង​ពី​សិទ្ធិ​និង​តួនាទី​របស់​ខ្លួន​ក្នុង​នាម​ជា​ពល​រដ្ឋ​នៅ​ឡើយ​ ដែល​ជះ​ឥទ្ធិពល​ដល់​ដំណើរ​ការ​នយោបាយ​ក្នុង​ស្រុក។ ប្រជាជន​ត្រចៀក​ស ការ​សម្រេច​ចិត្ត​រេ​ទៅ​តាម​ខ្យល់​នៃ​ការ​ឃោសនា​របស់​អ្នក​នយោបាយ​មួយ​ចំនួន​ ដោយ​ព្រោះ​មិន​បាន​គិត​ពិចារណា​ច្បាស់​លាស់ ប៉ុន្តែ​នេះ​ក៏​មិន​មែន​ជា​កំហុស​របស់​យុវ​ជន​ទាំង​ស្រុង​ដែរ​ ដោយ​ព្រោះ​តែ​ពួក​គាត់​គ្មាន​ព័ត៌​មាន​គ្រប់​គ្រាន់​ទើប​មិន​មាន​ការ​ពិចារណា​ល្អិត​ល្អន់​និង​ធ្វើការ​សម្រេច​ចិត្ត​ប្រាស​ចាក​ពី​មន​សិការ​ខ្លួន។ ម៉្យាង​វិញ​ទៀត ផ្នត់​គំនិត​សង្គម​ក៏​ជា​បញ្ហា​ប្រឈម​នៅ​ក្នុង​ភាព​ភ័យ​ខ្លាច​របស់​យុវជន​ផង​ដែរ។ សង្គម​តែង​តែ​បង្រៀន​ថា​នយោបាយ​ជា​រឿង​របស់​មនុស្ស​ចាស់​ មិន​មែន​ជា​កិច្ច​ការ​ដែល​យុវជន​គួរ​តែ​លូក​ដៃ។​ មិន​ត្រឹម​តែ​មិន​ជួយ​ចូក​ជួយ​ចែវ​ប៉ុណ្ណោះ​ទេ​តែ​ផ្នត់​គំនិត​មួយ​នេះ​ប្រៀប​ដូច​ជា​ការ​លើក​ជើង​រាទឹក​ដូច្នោះ​ដែរ។ ការ​ដែល​បណ្តុះ​ផ្នត់​គំនិត​បែប​នេះ​ក្នុង​សង្គម​ ធ្វើ​ឱ្យ​យុវជន​គិត​ថា​នយោ​បាយ​ជា​រឿង​ដែល​ហួស​ពី​ការ​គិត​របស់​ខ្លួន​ដែលមិនគួរជ្រៀតខ្លួនចូល ទោះជាយ៉ាងណាក្តី យើងទទួលស្គាល់ថាការអនុវត្តនយោបាយជារឿងដែលស្មុគស្មាញនិងពិបាកយល់ ដោយត្រូវការការគិតអោយបានស៊ីជម្រៅ ដោយ​ឡែកវាជារឿងដែលមិនត្រឹមត្រូវទាល់តែសោះនៅក្នុងផ្នត់គំនិតដែលញួសញង់លើចំណុចតែមួយផ្នែកនៃនយោបាយ ដោយ​ប្រាប់​ថា​នយោ​បាយ​ជា​ការ​ប្រឆាំង​ទាស់​ទែង​គ្នា មាន​តែ​កំហឹង ភាព​អត្ថមារ​និយម​ជា​ដើម​ ដែល​ទាំង​នេះ​ធ្វើ​ឱ្យ​យុវជន​បាក់​ស្បាត​មិន​ហ៊ាន មិន​ចង់​ចេះ​ដឹង​រឿង​នយោបាយ​ រស់​នៅ​ក្រោម​ភាព​ភ័យ​ខ្លាច​ជា​និច្ច។ រី​ឯ​ទម្លាប់​នៃ​ការ​រស់​នៅ​ក៏​ជា​បញ្ហា​ចម្បង​មួយ​ផង​ដែរ​ យើង​នឹង​មើល​ថា​តើ​ទម្លាប់​យ៉ាង​ដូច​ម្តេច​ដែល​ជះ​ឥទ្ធិពល​អវិជ្ជមាន​ដល់​យុវជន។ យុវជន​សម័យ​នេះ​រស់​នៅ​ក្នុង​បរិបទ​ឌីជីថល​ បច្ចេក​វិទ្យា​ទំនើប​ដូច​ជា ទូរស័ព្ទ កុំព្យូទ័រ និង​ឧបករណ៍​លេង​កម្សាន្ត​ផ្សេង​ទៀត​មិន​មែន​ជា​រឿងដែល​ពិបាក​ក្នុង​ការ​ស្វែង​រក​ពេក​នោះ​ទេ​។ យុវជន​មាន​ទូរស័ព្ទ​ផ្ទាល់​ខ្លួន​ស្ទើរ​តែ​គ្រប់​គ្នា​ ប៉ុន្តែ​អ្វី​ដែល​ជា​បញ្ហា​ចោទ​គឺ​យុវជន​​វក់វី​នឹង​ឧបករណ៍​ទាំងអស់​នោះ​បាន​ធ្វើ​ឱ្យ​ពួក​គេ​ចំណាយ​ពេល​ច្រើន​បំផុត​ទៅ​លើ​វា​ មិន​គិត​ខ្វាយ​ខ្វល់​ពី​រឿង​នៅ​ក្នុង​ជីវិត​ពិត​នោះ​ឡើយ។​ ពួក​គេ​មិន​ចាប់​អារម្មណ៍​នឹង​រឿង​នយោបាយ​ដែល​គួរ​ឱ្យ​ស្មុគ្រស្មាញ​និង​ធុញទ្រាន់​នោះ​ទេ​ យុវជន​ឈ្លក់​វង្វេង​នឹង​ភាព​សប្បាយ​រីក​រាយ​ក្នុង​រយៈ​ពេល​ខ្លី​ជា​ជាង​ខ្វាយ​ខ្វល់​ពី​សុខ​ទុក្ខ​នា​ពេល​អនាគត​ ដោយ​យក​ការ​សប្បាយ​ជា​ធំ​មិន​អើពើ​នឹង​សកម្មភាព​នយោបាយ និង​កិច្ច​ការ​នយោបាយ​ក្នុង​និង​ក្រៅ​ប្រទេស។ ដូច​នេះ សរុប​ជា​រួម​មក កត្តា​ដែល​ធ្វើ​ឱ្យ​យុវជន​មាន​ភាព​ភ័យ​ខ្លាច​ក្នុង​ចូល​រួម​ក្នុង​សកម្មភាព​នយោបាយ​គឺ​ដោយ​ព្រោះ​តែ​ភាព​ចម្រូង​ចម្រាស់​ក្នុង​សង្គម​និង​កត្តា​បុគ្គល​យុវជន​ខ្លួន​ឯង​ដែល​មិន​មាន​គំនិត​គិត​ឱ្យ​ស៊ី​ជម្រៅ​លើ​បញ្ហា​ដែល​ថា​តើ​ការ​ចូល​រួម​ក្នុង​នយោបាយ​វា​ជា​រឿង​ដែល​សាក​សម​នឹង​គួរ​អោយ​ខ្លាច​ដែល​ឬ​ទេ​។   ត្រៀមខ្លួនក្នុងការចូលរួមសកម្មភាពនយោបាយ មក​ដល់​ត្រឹម​នេះ យើង​ខ្ញុំ​ជឿ​ថា​មិត្តអ្នកអាន​បាន​ទទួល​ព័ត៌មាន​មួយ​ចំនួន​រួច​ជាស្រេច​ទាក់​ទង​ទៅ​នឹង​ការ​ចូល​រួម​ក្នុង​នយោបាយ​ ដូច្នេះ​ហើយ​យើង​នឹង​ងាក​ទៅ​មើល​ថា​តើ​យុវជន​អាច​ចូល​រួម​ក្នុង​នយោបាយ​ក្រោម​រូប​ភាព​អ្វី​ខ្លះ​ ដើម្បី​ត្រៀម​ខ្លួន​ឱ្យ​រួច​រាល់​ក្នុង​ការ​ចូល​រួម​ក្នុង​កិច្ចការ​នយោបាយ​នា​ពេល​ខាង​មុខ។ ជាដំបូង យើង​នឹង​មើល​ទៅ​កាន់​សិទ្ធិ​របស់​ប្រជា​ពលរដ្ឋ​ជា​មុន​សិន។ សិទ្ធិ ជា​អ្វីៗ​ដែល​យើង​ម្នាក់ៗ​អាច​ទទួល​បាន​ឬ​ផ្តល់​ឲ្យ​នូវ​សេរីភាព​តាម​អំណាច​ឬ​ធានា​ដោយ​ច្បាប់។​ បើ​យោង​តាម​ច្បាប់​រដ្ឋ​ធម្មនុញ្ញ​នៃ​ព្រះ​រាជា​ណាចក្រ​កម្ពុជា ​ប្រ​ទេស​នេះ​ទទួល​ស្គាល់​ និង​គោរព​សិទ្ធិ​មនុស្ស​ដូច​មាន​ចែង​ក្នុង​ធម្មនុញ្ញ​នៃ​អង្គការ​សហប្រជាជាតិ សេចក្តី​ប្រកាស​ជា​សកល​ស្តីពី​សិទ្ធិ​មនុស្ស​ និង​កតិកា​សញ្ញា ព្រម​ទាំង​អនុសញ្ញា​ទាំង​ឡាយ​ទាក់​ទង​ទៅ​នឹង​សិទ្ធិមនុស្ស សិទ្ធិ​នារី និង​សិទ្ធិ​កុមារ។ ​រដ្ឋ​ធម្មនុញ្ញ​កម្ពុជា​ចែង​ថា៖ «ប្រជា​ពលរដ្ឋ​ខ្មែរ​មាន​ភាព​ស្មើ​គ្នា​ចំពោះ​មុខ​ច្បាប់ មាន​សិទ្ធិ​សេរីភាព​ និង​ករណីយ​កិច្ច​ដូច​គ្នា​ទាំង​អស់​ដោយ​ឥត​ប្រកាន់​ពូជសាសន៍ ពណ៌សម្បុរ ភេទ ភាសា ជំនឿ សាសនា និន្នាការ​នយោបាយ​ ដើម​កំណើត​ជាតិ ឋានៈ​សង្គម ធនធាន ឬ ស្ថាន​ភាព​ឯ​ទៀត​ឡើយ»។ រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ​ក៏បាន​ចែង​ទៀត​ថា៖ «ការ​ប្រើ​សិទ្ធិ​សេរីភាព​ផ្ទាល់​ខ្លួន​របស់​បុគ្គល​ម្នាក់ៗ មិន​ត្រូវ​ឱ្យ​ប៉ះ​ពាល់​ដល់​សិទ្ធិ​សេរីភាព​អ្នក​ដទៃ​ឡើយ ។ ការ​ប្រើ​សិទ្ធិ​សេរីភាព​នេះ​ ត្រូវ​ប្រព្រឹត្ត​តាម​ល័ក្ខខ័ណ្ឌ​កំណត់​ក្នុង​ច្បាប់​ ដូច្នេះ​ហើយ​ប្រជា​ពលរដ្ឋ​ខ្មែរ​គ្រប់​រូប​មាន​សិទ្ធិ​ជា​មនុស្ស​ពេញ​លេញ​ក្នុង​ការ​រស់​នៅ​ក្រោម​ការ​ដឹក​នាំ​របស់​ច្បាប់។ មិន​តែ​ប៉ុណ្ណោះ ​ចំពោះ​ផ្នែក​នយោបាយ​វិញ​ ប្រជា​ពលរដ្ឋ​មាន​សិទ្ធិ​ក្នុង​ការ​ចូល​រួម​ក្នុង​កិច្ចការ​នយាបាយ​​ ដោយ​ផ្អែក​តាម​ច្បាប់​រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ​ដដែលនៅក្នុងមាត្រា៣៤​ បាន​ចែង​ថា៖ ប្រជា​ពល​រដ្ឋ​ខ្មែរ​ទាំង​ពីរ​ភេទ​មាន​សិទ្ធិ​បោះឆ្នោត និង​អាច​ឈរ​ឈ្មោះ​ឱ្យ​គេ​បោះ​ឆ្នោត។ ហេតុ​ដូច្នេះ​ហើយ​ យុវជន​ដែល​មាន​អាយុ​យ៉ាង​តិច​១៨ឆ្នាំ ​មាន​សិទ្ធិ​ក្នុង​ការ​បោះ​ឆ្នោត​ជ្រើស​តាំង​អ្នក​ដឹក​នាំ​ដែល​ខ្លួន​ពេញ​ចិត្ត​ដោយ​ស្រប​ច្បាប់​ និង​ដោយ​សន្តិ​វិធី​នៅ​ក្នុង​នាម​ជា​សម្លេង​ឆ្នោត​មួយ​ដ៏​សំខាន់​តាម​រយៈ​សន្លឹក​ឆ្នោត​របស់​ខ្លួន ដែល​នេះ​ក៏ជា​កត្តា​ចាំ​បាច់​របស់​ប្រជា​ពលរដ្ឋ​គ្រប់​រូប​ក្នុង​កិច្ចការ​ពលរដ្ឋ។ មួយ​វិញ​ទៀត​ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ​ទាំង​ពីរ​ភេទ​មិន​ត្រឹម​តែ​មាន​សិទ្ធិ​ក្នុង​ការ​ចូល​រួម​បោះ​ឆ្នោត​នោះ​ទេ ប្រជា​ពលរដ្ឋ​ខ្មែរ​ទាំង​ពីរ​ភេទ ដែល​មាន​អាយុ​យ៉ាង​តិច២៥ឆ្នាំ​ ក៏​អាច​ឈរ​ឈ្មោះ​ឱ្យ​គេ​បោះឆ្នោត​ជ្រើសតាំង​ជា​តំណាង​រាស្ត្រ​ផង​ដែរ។ ហេតុ​ដូច្នេះ​ហើយ​ យុវជន​មាន​លទ្ធភាព​ពេញ​លេញ​នៅ​ក្រោម​ការ​ធានា​របស់​ច្បាប់​ក្នុង​ការ​ចូល​រួម​ក្នុង​កិច្ច​ការ​នយោបាយ​ណាមួយ​ដោយ​មិន​មាន​ការ​គំរាម​កំហែង​ពី​បុគ្គល​ណាមួយ​នោះ​ឡើយ។​​    សរុបមក យុវជនត្រូវតែមានភាពក្លាហាន មានជំហរច្បាស់លាស់នៅក្នុងនយោបាយប្រទេស ព្រោះនេះគឺជាអាយុជីវិតរបស់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋគ្រប់គ្នាដែលរស់នៅក្នុងប្រទេស និងមានស្មារតីទំនួលខុសត្រូវឲ្យសាកសមជាយុវជនក្នុងភាពជាអ្នកដឹកនាំ ព្រមទាំងស្វែងយល់ពីសិទ្ធិនិងកាតព្វកិច្ចក្នុងនាមជាប្រជាពលរដ្ឋដ៏ល្អ៕   * អត្ថបទទស្សន:នេះ ត្រូវបានផលិតឡើងក្រោមជំនួយហិរញ្ញវត្ថុរបស់សហភាពអឺរ៉ុប និងទីភ្នាក់ងារសហប្រតិបត្តិការអភិវឌ្ឍអន្តរជាតិស៊ុយអ៊ែត តាមរយ:អង្គការតម្លាភាពកម្ពុជានិងអង្គការអាក់សិនអេតកម្ពុជា។ រាល់ខ្លឹមសារ​ មិនឆ្លុះបញ្ចាំងអំពីទស្សន:របស់ម្ចាស់ជំនួយនោះទេ។

អត្ថបទទស្សន:៖ តើគេត្រូវធ្វើដូចម្ដេចទើបអនុវត្តសេរីភាពបញ្ចេញមតិបានពេញលេញនិងស្របច្បាប់?

សរសេរដោយ៖ ឃី ចន្ទក្រឹះស្នា, ពៅ ណាទី និង សុខ សុម៉ា កែអត្ថបទដោយ៖ អូន ឆេងប៉ (Photo Credit: The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) ) អត្ថបទទស្សន:៖ តើគេត្រូវធ្វើដូចម្ដេចទើបអនុវត្តសេរីភាពបញ្ចេញមតិបានពេញលេញនិងស្របច្បាប់?   នៅពេលនិយាយអំពីសេរីភាពបញ្ចេញមតិ គេនឹងនឹកឃើញទៅដល់ការប្រើប្រាស់បណ្ដាញសង្គមក្នុងការបញ្ចេញមតិពាក់ព័ន្ធនឹងបញ្ហាសង្គម បរិស្ថាន វប្បធម៌ និងអក្សរសាស្រ្ដជាដើម។ ប៉ុន្តែការប្រើប្រាស់សេរីភាពនេះ ហាក់ដូចជាមិន​ត្រូវបានផ្ដល់ឱ្យពេញលេញនោះទេ ដោយសារកន្លងមកមាន​បណ្ដាសារព័ត៌មានមួយចំនួនបានចុះផ្សាយពីការចា​ប់ខ្លួន និងឃុំខ្លួនអ្នកដែលបានរិះគន់ពីរឿងបរិស្ថាន និងបញ្ហាសិទ្ធិមនុស្សជាដើម។   តាមរយៈរបាយការណ៍ប្រចាំឆ្នាំទី៥ នៃការឃ្លាំមើលសេរីភាពមូលដ្ឋាននៅកម្ពុជារបស់មជ្ឈមណ្ឌលសិទ្ធិមនុស្សកម្ពុជា បានរៀបរាប់ថា​ ការរឹតត្បិត និងរំលោភបំពានទៅលើសេរីភាពបញ្ចេញមតិចំនួន១០៨ករណី ដែលបានកើតឡើងនៅឆ្នាំទី៥ ពីថ្ងៃទី០១ ខែមេសា ដល់ ខែធ្នូ ឆ្នាំ២០២០ មានចំនួន៥៣% (ឬ៥៧ករណី) បានកើតឡើងតាមប្រព័ន្ធអ៊ីនធឺណេត។ របាយការណ៍នេះបានបន្តទៀតថា ការរឹតត្បិតសេរីភាពមតិខ្លួនឯងនៅលើបណ្ដាញសង្គមហ្វេសប៊ុក ស្ថិតនៅលើលំដាប់ថ្នាក់ទី១ ដែលមាន៤៦ករណី។ កន្លងមកមន្រ្តីអង្គការសង្គមស៊ីវិល បានលើកឡើងពីការចាប់ខ្លួនអ្នករិះគន់នូវការបញ្ចេញមតិនៅតាមបណ្ដាញសង្គមថា ជាការដើរផ្ទុយពីសង្គមប្រជាធិបតេយ្យដែលផ្តល់ឱ្យនូវសិទ្ធិបញ្ចេញមតិរិះគន់ដើម្បីស្ថាបនា។ ដូចគ្នានេះដែរ ក្រុមអង្គការសង្គមស៊ីវិល ក៏បានបង្ហាញពីការព្រួយបារម្ភនៅដែលតុលាការប្រើប្រាស់បទល្មើសញុះញង់ក្នុងការចោទប្រកាន់អ្នកបញ្ចេញមតិក្នុងបញ្ហាសង្គមផងដែរ។ បើយោងតាម កតិកាសញ្ញាអន្តរជាតិស្ដីសិទ្ធិពលរដ្ឋ និងសិទ្ធិនយោបាយ មាត្រា១៩ បានចែងថា៖ «ជនគ្រប់រូបមានសេរីភាពក្នុងការបញ្ចេញមតិ។ សិទ្ធិនេះត្រូវរាប់បញ្ចូលទាំងសេរីភាព ស្រាវជ្រាវព័ត៌មាន ទទួល និងផ្សព្វផ្សាយព័ត៌មាន និងគំនិតសព្វបែបយ៉ាង ដោយមិនគិតពីព្រំដែនដោយផ្ទាល់មាត់ ឬបោះពុម្ពតាមទម្រង់សិល្ប: ឬក៏ដោយមធ្យោបាយផ្សព្វផ្សាយដទៃទៀតក្ដី តាមការជ្រើសរើសរបស់ខ្លួន»។   ទោះបីជាយ៉ាងណា រដ្ឋាភិបាលកម្ពុជាបានអនុម័តឱ្យប្រើប្រាស់អនុក្រឹត្យស្ដីពីច្រកទ្វារអ៊ីនធឺណេត ដែលអនុក្រឹត្យនេះមានតួនាទីក្នុងការគ្រប់គ្រងបណ្ដាញអ៊ីនធឺណេតនៅក្នុងប្រទេស។ មន្រ្ដីរដ្ឋាភិបាលបានលើកឡើងថា អនុក្រឹត្យនេះនឹងប្រមូលថវិកាជាតិ និង លើកកម្ពស់នៃការតភ្ជាប់អ៊ីនធឺណេតរបស់ប្រទេសឱ្យមានប្រសិទ្ធភាព។ ប៉ុន្តែយើងសង្កេតឃើញថាមានប្រតិកម្មពីក្រុមអង្គការសង្គមស៊ីវិលជាតិ និងក្រុមយុវជនមួយចំនួន អំពីការរឹតត្បិតសេរីភាពបញ្ចេញមតិដែលជាសិទ្ធិមូលដ្ឋានរបស់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ និងស្នើសុំឱ្យមានការនិរាករណ៍នូវអនុក្រឹត្យមួយនេះទៀតផង។ ថ្មីៗនេះដែរ ការព្រមានចាប់ខ្លួនអ្នកវិភាគឯករាជ្យពីសំណាក់អ្នកដឹកនាំនយោបាយបន្ទាប់ពីពួកគេបានបញ្ចេញមតិលើបណ្ដាញសង្គម បានធ្វើឱ្យមាននូវការបារម្ភពីសំណាក់មន្រ្ដីសិទ្ធិមនុស្ស និងអ្នកការសែត។    តើការប្រើប្រាស់សេរីភាពបញ្ចេញមតិនេះពិតជាអាចធ្វើបានគ្រប់កាលៈទេសៈបានមែនទេ?  ហើយតើធ្វើដូចម្ដេចទើបប្រជាពលរដ្ឋអាចប្រើប្រាស់សិទ្ធិនេះបានយ៉ាងពេញលេញ?   សេរីភាពបញ្ចេញមតិជាសិទ្ធិដែលអាចដកហូតបាន ជាគោលការណ៍ច្បាប់ សេរីភាពបញ្ចេញមតិគឺជាសិទ្ធិមានដែនកំណត់ (Limited Rights) ដែលច្បាប់ចែងកំណត់ពីព្រំដែនរបស់វា។ កាលណាបុគ្គលប្រើប្រាស់សិទ្ធិនេះបណ្ដាលឱ្យប៉ះពាល់ដល់សេចក្ដីថ្លៃថ្នូររបស់អ្នកដទៃ ទំនៀមទម្លាប់ល្អរបស់សង្គម សណ្ដាប់ធ្នាប់សារធារណៈ និងសន្តិសុខជាតិ ជននោះនឹងទទួលការផ្ដន្ទាទោសតាមការកំណត់ដោយច្បាប់។   រដ្ឋធម្មនុញរបស់ប្រទេសកម្ពុជា មាត្រា៤១ចែងថា៖ «ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរមានសេរីភាពខាងការបញ្ចេញមតិរបស់ខ្លួន[...]។ ជនណាក៏ដោយ មិនអាចឆ្លៀតប្រើសិទ្ធិនេះដោយរំលោភ នាំឱ្យប៉ះពាល់ដល់កិត្តិយសរបស់អ្នកដទៃ ដល់ទំនៀមទម្លាប់ល្អរបស់សង្គមដល់សណ្ដាប់ធ្នាប់សាធារណៈនិងដល់សន្តិសុខជាតិបានឡើយ»។    ទោះបីជាយ៉ាងនេះក្ដី ច្បាប់ត្រូវចែងពន្យល់ឱ្យបានច្បាស់អំពីលក្ខខណ្ឌនៃការរឹតត្បិតនីមួយៗទាំងនេះ ដែលមិនធ្វើឱ្យមានការបកស្រាយតាមអំពើចិត្ត និងលើសពិន័យដើម។ ក្រមព្រហ្មទណ្ឌនៃព្រះរាជាណាចក្រកម្ពុជា មាត្រា៥ ចែងថា៖ «នៅក្នុងរឿងព្រហ្មទណ្ឌ ច្បាប់ត្រូវបកស្រាយយ៉ាងតឹងរ៉ឹង។ ចៅក្រមមិនអាចពង្រីកវិសាលភាពអនុវត្ត ឬ ប្រព្រឹត្តតាមសទិសភាពបានឡើយ»។ នេះមានន័យថា នៅពេលណាដែលចៅក្រមធ្វើការបកស្រាយពន្លាតលើសពីន័យច្បាប់ នោះការបកស្រាយនេះនឹងទាញចូលទៅរកអង្គហេតុមួយថ្មីទៀត។ ជាក់ស្ដែងគេសង្កេតឃើញថា​ បទល្មើសញុះញង់ដែលចែងនៅក្នុងមាត្រា៤៩៣ ដល់ ៤៩៨ នៅក្នុងផ្នែកទី៣ នៃក្រមព្រហ្មទណ្ឌនៃព្រះរាជាណាចក្រកម្ពុជា ត្រូវបានក្រុមអង្គការសង្គមស៊ីវិលមានការព្រួយបារម្ភចំពោះការប្រើប្រាស់សិទ្ធិនេះ ដើម្បីបំបិទសេរីភាពបញ្ចេញមតិរបស់សាធារណជន។ ការប្រើប្រាស់សិទ្ធិបញ្ចេញមតិរបស់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋត្រូវបា​នទទួលស្គាល់ដោយពេញលេញនៅក្នុងប្រទេសនីតិរដ្ឋ អំណាចទាំងបីត្រូវបែកចែកដាច់ពីគ្នា។ អំណាចតុលាការ ជាអំណាចឯករាជ្យ។ អំណាចនេះមិនត្រូវស្ថិតនៅក្រោមឥទ្ធិពលនៃអំណាចណាមួយឡើយ។ មានតែចៅក្រមទេមានសិទ្ធិជម្រះក្ដី ដោយត្រូវឈរលើគោលការណ៍ច្បាប់ មិនលំអៀង និងមិនត្រូវស្ថិតក្រោមសម្ពាធពីភាគីណាមួយដោយប្រយោលក្ដី ឬផ្ទាល់ក្ដី។ ដោយឈរលើគោលការណ៍នេះ ទើបប្រជាពលរដ្ឋអាចអនុវត្តសិទ្ធិរបស់ខ្លួនបានពេញលេញ និងមិនរងសម្ពាធពីការចោទប្រកាន់ណាមួយឡើយ។​ សេរីភាពបញ្ចេញមតិ គឺជាធាតុចាំបាច់ដែលមិនអាចកាច់ផ្ដាច់ពីសង្គមប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ។ រដ្ឋដែលទទួលស្គាល់ និងផ្ដល់សច្ចាប័នលើច្បាប់សិទ្ធិមនុស្សអន្តរជាតិ មានភារកិច្ចក្នុងការ គោរព ការពារ និងបំពេញនូវលិខិតបទដ្ឋាននានាស្របតាមច្បាប់សិទ្ធិមនុស្សអន្តជាតិ។ ដូចដែរប្រទេសកម្ពុជាជារដ្ឋហត្ថាលេខីនៃកតិកាសញ្ញា និងសន្ធិសញ្ញាផ្សេងៗទាក់ទងនឹងសិទ្ធិមនុស្សដូចមានចែងនូវក្នុងរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ ប្រទេសកម្ពុជាមានភារកិច្ចក្នុងការការពារនូវសេរីភាពក្នុងការបញ្ចេញមតិ និងទស្សនៈនានារបស់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ។  ការបើកលំហនយោបាយឱ្យប្រជាពលរដ្ឋអាចបញ្ចេញមតិរិះគន់ក្នុងន័យស្ថាបនាពីបញ្ហាសង្គមជាតិ គឺបង្ហាញពីការចូលរួមរបស់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋក្នុងដំណើរការប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ។ មួយវិញទៀត ការបញ្ចេញមតិរបស់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋក៏បង្ហាញពីការចូលរួម ក្នុងការសម្រេចចិត្តនានា ដែលជាធាតុផ្សំនៃគោលការណ៍អភិបាលកិច្ចល្អនៃយុទ្ធសាស្រ្ដចតុកោណ ដំណាក់កាលទី៤ នីតិកាលទី៦ របស់រាជរដ្ឋាភិបាល ។ សង្គមមួយអាចអភិវឌ្ឍទៅបាន ល្កឹកណាដែរសង្គមនោះទទួលស្គាល់ពីភាពចម្រុះរបស់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋប្រកបដោយបរិប័ន្ន ដោយមិនបែកចែកនិន្នាការនយោបាយ និងការគុំគួនគ្នា។ នៅពេលដែលប្រជាពលរដ្ឋអាចបញ្ចេញមតិកែលម្អ ឬរិះគន់ដើម្បីស្ថាបនា ស្ថាប័នសាធារណៈឬ អាជ្ញាធរសាធារណៈបានដោយសេរីនោះ ប្រទេសជាតិនិងទទួលបានគំនិតចូលរួមពីប្រជាពលរដ្ឋប្រកបដោយចម្រុះភាព ហើយប្រទេសជាតិនឹងមានការអភិវឌ្ឍឈានទៅមុខ។   សរុបមកវិញ សេរីភាពបញ្ចេញមតិគួរតែត្រូវបានផ្ដល់ឱ្យពេញលេញដល់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋស្របតាមរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ និងច្បាប់អន្តរជាតិនានាស្ដីពីសិទ្ធិមនុស្ស។ នៅពេលដែលលំហនៃការចូលរួមប្រជាពលរដ្ឋបានពេញលេញ នោះដំណើរការប្រជាធិបតេយ្យនឹងមានការរីកចម្រើន។ ការអភិវឌ្ឍរបស់ប្រទេសជាតិ​ត្រូវការមតិចូលរួមរបស់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ។ ហេតុដូចនេះ រដ្ឋត្រូវតែអប់រំប្រជាពលរដ្ឋឱ្យយល់ពីគោលការណ៍ និងបើកចំហសេរីភាពក្នុងបញ្ចេញមតិស្របតាមគោលគំនិតនៃច្បាប់។   ក្នុងនាមជាពលរដ្ឋ និងជាយុវជនដែលរស់នៅក្នុងសង្គមប្រជាធិបតយ្យ ​និងជាអ្នកដែលចង់បាននូវសេរីភាពមួយដែលពេញលេញស្របតាមច្បាប់ជាតិ និងអន្តរជាតិ ជាពិសេសលំហនៃការចូលរួមរបស់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ ខ្ញុំមាននូវការស្នើរសុំមួយចំនួនពាក់ព័ន្ធនឹងសេរីភាពបញ្ចេញមតិ៖  រដ្ឋាភិបាលគួរតែបើកចំហទទួលយកនូវទស្សនៈចូលរួមរបស់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋពីគ្រប់មជ្ឈដ្ឋាន ពីព្រោះការចូលរួមរបស់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋក្នុងការបញ្ចេញទស្សនៈទាំងនេះ ជាការអភិវឌ្ឍតាមបែបប្រជាធិបតេយ្យដែលពួកគេអាចលើកជាមតិក្នុងការរិះគន់ដើម្បីស្ថាបនា និងកែលំអរភាពអសកម្មមួយចំនួនរបស់អាជ្ញាធររដ្ឋ។ រដ្ឋាភិបាលគួរតែវិសោធនកម្មនូវច្បាប់ណាដែលរឹតត្បិតដល់សេរីភាពបញ្ចេញមតិជាពិសេសបទញុះញង់​ នៅក្នុងក្រមព្រហ្មទណ្ឌនៃព្រះរាជណាចក្រកម្ពុជា ស្របតាមរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ និង កតិការសញ្ញាស្ដីសិទ្ធិពលរដ្ឋ និងសិទ្ធិនយោបាយ។ ម្យ៉ាងទៀត ការដាក់ទោសទណ្ឌដល់បុគ្គល ឬក្រុមមនុស្សដែលបានលើកឡើងពីបញ្ហាសង្គមគួរតែបញ្ឈប់ ផ្ទុយមកវិញ រដ្ឋាភិបាលគួរតែលើកតម្កើងឱ្យមានការចូលរួមយ៉ាងសកម្មពីសំណាក់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋក្នុងបញ្ហាសង្គមជាតិ។ ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋត្រូវតែស្វែងយល់ឱ្យបានច្បាស់ពីដែនកំណត់នៃសេរីបញ្ចេញមតិរបស់ខ្លួន និងត្រូវចូលរួមយ៉ាងសកម្មក្នុងការអភិវឌ្ឍជាតិ និងលទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ។ អំណាចទាំង៣ ត្រូវបែកចែកឱ្យដាច់ពីគ្នា។ អំណាចតុលាការត្រូវស្ថិតនៅដាច់ដោយឡែកពីអំណាចនីតិប្រតិបត្តិ ហើយចៅក្រមត្រូវជម្រះក្ដីដោយជៀសវាងនូវអនាគតិទាំង៤ និងត្រូវប្រកាន់ខ្ជាប់នូវក្រមសីលធម៌របស់ខ្លួន។​ ម្យ៉ាងទៀត ស្ថាប័ននគរបាលត្រូវតែបម្រើដល់ផលប្រយោជន៌សាធារណៈ និង ត្រូវទទួលខុសត្រូវចំពោះទណ្ឌកម្មវិន័យចំពោះការប្រព្រឹត្តិអំពើរបស់ខ្លួន។ អ្នកមានឥទ្ធិពលលើបណ្តាញសង្គម(Influencer) ត្រូវសិក្សាពីសេរីភាពនៃការបញ្ចេញមតិឱ្យបានត្រឹមត្រូវ ហើយត្រូវផ្សព្វផ្សាយជូនទៅមហាជនឱ្យបានយល់ពីសេរីភាពនៃការបញ្ចេញមតិ និងការបញ្ចេញមតិឲបានត្រឹមត្រូវស្របតាមច្បាប់។   * អត្ថបទទស្សន:នេះ ត្រូវបានផលិតឡើងក្រោមជំនួយហិរញ្ញវត្ថុរបស់សហភាពអឺរ៉ុប និងទីភ្នាក់ងារសហប្រតិបត្តិការអភិវឌ្ឍអន្តរជាតិស៊ុយអ៊ែត តាមរយ:អង្គការតម្លាភាពកម្ពុជានិងអង្គការអាក់សិនអេតកម្ពុជា។ រាល់ខ្លឹមសារ​ មិនឆ្លុះបញ្ចាំងអំពីទស្សន:របស់ម្ចាស់ជំនួយនោះទេ។

What Does It Take for the Cambodian Economy to De-Dollarize? 

Written by: Song Daphea, Junior Student majoring in Political Science and International Relations at Paragon International University Edited by: Sao Phal Niseiy, Editor-in-Chief at The Cambodianess and Deputy Editor-in-Chief at Thmey Thmey News Photo Credit: Rie Ishii My very first experience in Thailand was shocking as I saw my dad rushed to find the currency exchange counter in one busy Thai district. I turned to my dad and asked him: “Pa, why can’t we just pay them in dollars like in our country?”  I remembered he replied with a slight giggle, “In Thailand, only Bahts are allowed here. But in our country, we use dual currencies.” I asked again, “Then, why can’t we use only one like them?”  Although my dad never really answered my last question, we can find out the answer together in this very article. And we are going to find out how to use only the riel instead of using other foreign currencies. You and I are aware that our country welcomes both the riel and the dollar. But we now should think of how we can start using only our very own money.  Generally, dollarization is never an uninvited guest. Its presence indicated that a particular economy is at risk. In the case of Cambodia, there was a chain of instability and risks occurring one after the other. But dollars stepped foot in Cambodia during the transitional period (UNTAC). It was when up to 1.7 Billion USD poured into our economy through the UN-led missions. That was also when dollars began to earn the trust of our people and made a way to become one of our main currencies.  Economically speaking, Dollarization in Cambodia is a big help through which we could find a better substitute to diminishing inflation, attract FDI, and, ultimately, restore the economy. In addition, the dollar has been aiding our economy, and it eventually allows us to learn to stand on our own.  Nevertheless, persistent dollarization also has significant disadvantages. First of all, we do not have an independent monetary policy. Every dollarized economy generally is influenced by the United States. In other words, if the U.S. were to depreciate its dollars to expand its liquidity or to increase exports, consequently, the Cambodian economy or any other dollarized economies would experience inflation due to the reduction of the dollar value.  Secondly, it is the loss of seigniorage, a term given to describe the difference between the value of the money and the product cost of making it. In other words, seigniorage is the profit that the government gains from generating the money. For example, to produce 10,000 riels, it would cost the government 1000 riel for production expenses. So, the seigniorage would be 9,000 riels. With this gain, the government can allocate it to the national development program based on its priorities. But, when the dollar is highly regulated within our economy, the loss of seigniorage would go up, suggesting that the national revenue is not fulfilling.  Therefore, the question is, "how can we de-dollarize our economy?" There are some practical solutions I would like to raise. First of all, having a great core or a healthy macroeconomic framework is the best starting point. Since Cambodia has had limited control on monetary policy driven by the steady progress of dollarization, it is better to establish credible financial institutions. This practice should be a priority because it will help the people to place their trust in the riel and also for it to circulate with proper regulations and transparency.  Moreover, a closer step to de-dollarizing our economy would be finding a currency to back up for the riel. I refer to the currency that is universally recognized and can be kept as our reserve in case of extreme unexpected events happening to the riel. In other words, we need to find an anchor currency. According to Rasheed J. Griffith and LOR Samnang’s Monetary Policy and Rielization, Cambodia can carefully pick an anchor currency. The authors explored a few options that could be the possible anchor currency for Cambodia, such as the USD, Yen, Yuan, and Asian Monetary Unit. Moreover, the country must also analyze the economic well-being afterward. Secondly, the exchange rate system is another factor. As Nombuleo Duma stated in his paper for the IMF, the exchange rate system in Cambodia is relatively fixed to the USD. In return, this strategy has stabilized the inflation rate and prompted more investments into the country. However, this explains why Cambodia is still the most dollarized country. When the real exchange rate is stabilized relative to the inflation rate, the dollar is preferable. This action is contradictory to the de-dollarization strategy. On the other hand, if the exchange rate is too flexible, it will cause an uproar in the economy. Therefore, finding a suitable exchange rate policy is necessary.  But what is more important here is the people. We all know that people are a driving factor of the value of the riel. Thus, I think that we can do so much better to navigate the value of our currency. Even though we have been using dollars way too much, we can alter this by embracing a shift in our preferences, habits, customs, and mindset.  When it comes to our habits, I want to stress a little bit here. In some religious rituals, most people tend to make an offering in which replica cars, houses, and paper money are burned for their deceased ancestors. The replica paper money people commonly burn is the dollar. Sometimes, it can be other foreign currencies such as dong, euros, yen, or yuan, but not the riel. It already symbolizes that even the departed prefer the dollars.  Furthermore, shoppings and price tags, as well as most daily transactions, are in dollars. It can serve as significant evidence that the use of riels should be further encouraged among the people in Cambodia. It is time for us to use our currency if we want to achieve proper de-dollarization.  Nevertheless, one thing Cambodia should avoid is forcing de-dollarization. Unlike other countries, the dollar has a long presence and has taken deep roots in our country. Therefore, any reversal in practice is going to be time-consuming, and, of course, enforcing de-dollarization will only end miserably. By saying this, we can study history to see the backfires some countries encountered. Lao PDR, in particular, attempted to impose swift de-dollarization by issuing a decree to make the kip the official currency in every transaction. In the end, the demand for it depreciated remarkably.  Finally, I also want to emphasize that some factors suggest Cambodia is on the right path to de-dollarization. One is the removal of small-dollar banknotes as the National Bank of Cambodia (NBC) has tried to get rid of $1, $2, and $5 banknotes from the economy since 2020. Last but not least is the establishment of Bakong, a blockchain-based technology that allows users to transfer, peer-to-peer transact, and pay via the digital platform. Apart from de-dollarizing and promoting the riel, Bakong aims to include the unbanked households and boost digital payments. This system has so much to achieve and can even foster digital transactions, cybersecurity, and stricter monetary policy. Indeed, Bakong could be the catalyst for our country to drive a complete de-dollarization.  All in all, dollars have a long presence in our country. Thanks to its existence, we could achieve a lot. However, I believe it is high time to begin regaining our independence in terms of monetary policy. It, of course, is going to be time-consuming and arduous to do so, but there is a saying: "good things take time". So does de-dollarization, which can happen gradually without harshly enforcing. Instead, we should take the time to develop credible financial institutions, find a suitable currency exchange rate, introduce an enduring reserve currency, and instill the spirit of the riel among our people.